In the Ring E-Book

Donald McKinnon

• Herausgeber: Elliott & Thompson
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2013

Seitenzahl: 533

Beschreibung

In the Ring deals with impossibly devious plots and characters - ambitious presidents and prime ministers from all corners of the world, some determined to hold onto power at any cost; a British government often with a misplaced sense of its own role in one of the world's oldest organisations; and an organisation of 300 people, externally working to help the world while inwardly struggling along racial and geo-political lines. You couldn't make it up - and he hasn't. For the first eight years of the 21st century, Don McKinnon was the Secretary General of the Commonwealth and this was the stuff of his day-to-day life, whether facing down armed coup leaders or soothing internal staff factions. Here for the first time he reveals what was going on behind the scenes during such major events as the suspension of Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth. With fascinating background detail and his predictions for the future of the Commonwealth itself, this is a compelling account of the trials and tribulations of running an international organisation in a complex world.

Leseprobe

To my wife Clare and five children Margaret, Peter, Stuart, Cameron and James

Plate section image credits

Image 2 (page i, bottom) © Paul Popper Ltd/Getty Images

Image 3 (page ii, top) © The New Zealand Herald

Image 7 (page iii, bottom left) © Garrick Tremain

Image 18 (page iii, top) © Heriot-Watt University

All other images are © and reproduced by kind permission of the Commonwealth Secretariat

First published 2013 by Elliott and Thompson Limited

27 John Street, London WC1N 2BX

www.eandtbooks.com

ISBN: 978-1-908739-26-1

Text © Don McKinnon 2013

The Author has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this Work.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the prior written permission of the publisher. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Printed and bound in the UK by TJ International

Typeset by Marie Doherty

Contents

Acknowledgements

Foreword by Madeleine Albright, US Secretary of State 1997–2001

Introduction

1 A Rather Unusual Route

2 A Gracious Presence

3 Facing the Challenges

4 Old Dominions with New Friends

5 An Intense Involvement

6 Suspended from the Councils

7 ‘Who Cares About the Commonwealth?’

8 Standing Up for Small States

9 Transforming the Political Culture

10 Friends, Coups and Suspensions

11 A Royal Challenge

12 Fine-tuning an International Organisation

13 The Non-Political Mandates

Plate Section

Epilogue

Afterword by Olusegun Obasanjo, President of Nigeria 1999–2007

Index

Acknowledgements

I put off writing this book in the same way some people put off riding a horse for the first time. It’s unfamiliar, could be uncomfortable and there’s always a chance you’ll fall flat on your face.

In my eight years in London, I kept notes about the things I did, the people I met and the dramas in which I was involved. In the back of my mind, I imagined some generous, highly-skilled writer coming along and saying ‘I’ll write your book and we’ll both make a lot of money!’ Or perhaps in fifty years’ time the notes would be found and someone would make sense of them. After leaving the Commonwealth, I gave a lecture in late 2008 and someone asked me when my book would be out. It wasn’t the first time the question had been posed but this questioner warned me that if I didn’t write my account of my time as Secretary-General someone else might, and I might not agree with their version.

That jibe was enough to stir my competitive spirit. I talked with my wife Clare and my academic brother Malcolm and they gave me good advice and encouragement. I took the plunge – or rather I got on my literary horse.

Writing a book was, for me, a new experience. Surrounded by a decade of personal and official diaries, briefs, press releases, speeches, news cuttings and emails, I thought long and hard about where to start. I have always devoured political biographies, noting the great disparity in quality between them. Some writers had started with their diaries in front of them, and moved through them mechanically, with little texture or colour added beyond what was already in the public domain. Others relied heavily on pictures, with little of great substance in the narrative. The ones I really enjoy are those that deal with interesting and challenging issues in depth and provide genuinely new insights. That was my starting point and I hope this book delivers.

The Commonwealth is an amazing, much loved yet much misunderstood organisation. Within the Commonwealth Secretariat, among the London-based staff and those abroad, there are many people who are daily improving the lives of thousands. Their stories are not always easy to write about nor can they always compete with the breaking news stories of the day.

I had to weigh up what to include in this book and what to leave out. I chose to shed more light on issues that had already been in the public domain because inevitably there was an incomplete picture to finish. These issues had also taken up most of my managerial time.

One key message I want to emphasise, in the arena of foreign relations, is that no person and certainly no country likes to be told what to do by an outsider, another country or organisation. I was constantly pushing uphill in this regard. I can understand the reaction of people who demand that someone DO SOMETHING when they witness atrocities or cruelty on their TV screens. Yet sometimes doing something to soothe an outraged public can be counterproductive, and I know that it is rare that a person or country changes their way when threatened with a communiqué or at the point of a gun. What helps most is direction, encouragement, time, more time, and then some more time – most of my stories here are about those marathons, not headlining sprints. It is inevitable then that many of the good works of Commonwealth staff and consultants won’t get mentioned, but I can assure them they are not forgotten.

On a practical note, I have virtually no keyboard skills so my first drafts were all in longhand. I was not completely hopeless with technology though and would scan and email these pages to a number of people who I employed to decipher my writing and get it typed up. These included my daughter-in-law Kere, who did a huge amount of work. Jessa and Nicola at the Auckland War Memorial Museum, where I was CEO 2010–11, did similar work at home, after hours. Our friend Francine in London pitched in when needed, along with some typists in Auckland. My wife Clare, a professional journalist and writer, was a constant support, offering typing, editing, and second opinions despite protesting she still could not read my writing after nearly two decades of marriage. It would have been too easy to lean on her all the time and for the book to dominate both our lives, so I was glad to spread the load and maintain a happy marriage.

In compiling the content of this book, I owe a lot to former staff members who read and commented on areas of special interest and responsibility. Winston Cox, Syed Sharfudin, Matthew Neuhaus, Professor Ade Adfuye, Juliet Solomon and Albert Mariner gave generously of their time. Commonwealth scholar Harshan Kumarashingham, and the doyen of Commonwealth academics, Professor David McIntyre of Christchurch, added valuable thoughts and perspective. The writings of my predecessors Arnold Smith in Stitches in Times, Sir Shridath Ramphal in Inseparable Humanity, and Chief Emeka Anyaoku in The Inside Story were informative. There was also the great historical perspective of Lord Elton in the 1945 publication Imperial Commonwealth and the more contemporary State of Africa by Martin Meredith, and Geoff Hill’s The Battle for Zimbabwe. Long-time Commonwealth journalist and watcher Derek Ingram had useful comments on most issues after 45 years of writing and Hilary McEwan in the Secretariat’s archives dug out relevant bits of information well beyond my reach.

Geoff Walker, former CEO of Penguin Books in New Zealand, brought all his publishing knowledge and editing skills to the fore and moulded my long discourses into something more readable and saleable. The penultimate draft was read by brother Malcolm and Clare, and both further nuanced my text.

By chance, my hairdresser Ola Jafar at Truefitt and Hill in London introduced me to another of her clients, Lorne Forsyth of the publisher Elliott and Thompson, and the rest as they say is history. I am grateful also to Olivia Bays, Jennie Condell, Marie Doherty, Mark Ecob and James Collins for their work on various aspects of the book’s production.

Don McKinnon

Auckland, New Zealand

December 2012

Foreword

by Madeleine Albright, US Secretary of State 1997–2001

During the 1990s, Don McKinnon and I served concurrently; he as New Zealand’s foreign minister, I as America’s secretary of state. Despite the vast geographical separation, we met regularly and talked often while working together on behalf of the many goals our two countries shared in the Asia Pacific and across the globe. In the process of grappling with similar challenges from somewhat different angles, we became warm friends. This was to my benefit because Don is both charming and well informed. He is as interesting a conversationalist as he is a writer, and his opinions – thoughtfully expressed – carry much weight. It is little wonder that he has earned a place in the top tier of world diplomats. Many international figures carve out a particular region in which they can be counted as expert; Sir Donald McKinnon is one of the few who is respected everywhere.

As Don would be the first to admit, however, respect does not always translate into affection. During his career, he made his share of enemies among the dictators, faux democrats, neocolonialists and hypocrites who occupied positions of authority in various governments. Even by them, he was known for saying what he thought, honestly and without grandstanding. He is not the kind of person who will pick a fight simply to prove a point, but neither will he shy from confrontation when an important principle is at stake. I saw these attributes first-hand when we joined forces on such matters as support for Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy opposition in Burma, the liberation of East Timor from Indonesia, and the development of economic reforms in the wake of the 1998 Asian financial crisis. Don McKinnon’s was rarely the loudest voice in any multilateral discussion, but his ideas were often the most sensible, coolly pointing in the direction of practical and positive action.

The rising stature of the New Zealand diplomat was recognised when, in 2000, he was elected Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, a 54-member organisation with historic ties to Great Britain and representing about a quarter of the world’s population. In the Ring gives a fascinating insider’s account of the succeeding eight years, and of McKinnon’s effort to ride herd on a group of nations held together by little more than a name, some connection to the English language, and a passion for cricket.

The two decades since the Cold War’s end have been derided – like Churchill’s rejected pudding – for possessing no overriding theme. As Don McKinnon quickly discovers, this shortcoming has made life harder for those presiding over international organisations because priorities are no longer clear-cut and a sense of common purpose is difficult to establish. The temptation is strong for states to turn to a body such as the Commonwealth only when convenient and at other times to pay it little heed, gradually diminishing its capabilities. McKinnon does not offer a magic solution for these perils, but he does demonstrate how – through a combination of diligence, creativity and spine—one can move forward nonetheless.

The rich diversity of the Commonwealth, coupled with the competing historical narratives favoured by its various members, would test any leader. As a New Zealander, Don McKinnon was well positioned to communicate with all the factions in his flock, but only if he was perceived as being his own man. That required an attentive ear, an open mind, and a sense of responsibility not only to the organisation’s giants – Great Britain, India and Australia – but to small and impoverished states as well.

In theory, and to an extent in practice, Commonwealth members are bound by their pledge to uphold democratic institutions and values. Any country that strays too far from that vow may find itself the subject of critical discussion, unwelcome fact-finding delegations, and partial or full suspension of the right to participate in Commonwealth activities. The group’s problem states are naturally a concern for its leader and their stories provide the grist for the majority of chapters in this insightful memoir. Readers may observe from a front-row seat as Don McKinnon strives to ease political turbulence in Zimbabwe, mend fences following a coup in Pakistan, referee a dispute between two rival leaders (both women) in Bangladesh, and tamp down ethnic-based violence in Fiji. The book offers us a chance to travel with the Secretary-General as he makes his rounds – summoning the best from leaders in Guyana, trying to convince the king of Swaziland that political freedom has merit, and sharing concerns about the future with Pacific Islanders, whose tiny homelands face the possibility of extinction from climate change.

Adding piquancy to these accounts is Don’s skill in sketching the personalities of those – great and not-so-great – with whom he is called upon to practise his trade. Although unafraid to give discredit where it is due, especially to the pompous and long-winded, he has warm words for many and is observant above all. The formal head of the Commonwealth is not the Secretary-General, but Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, whose capacity for purposeful conversation on a multitude of topics earns the author’s praise. As for Prince Charles, he had to deal with the sensitive question of whether he would – upon his mother’s death or abdication – automatically succeed her as head of the Commonwealth. Sir Don McKinnon had to remind officials in London that the position is one agreed upon by leaders, and that British nostalgia for the days of Empire was not universally shared. This meant that the Prince should travel and show his interest in Commonwealth matters, but without seeming to campaign or to anticipate the question of how quickly a succession might occur.

During the eight years that serve as the focus of this book, Don is constantly trying to persuade leaders to do what is right for their countries. More often than not, he succeeds, but there are disappointments. In writing about Zimbabwe, the diplomat’s fairness is on full display as readers are urged to take history into account before judging the government’s controversial land policies. However, the transformation of Robert Mugabe from anti-colonial hero to intolerant dictator was a source of personal sorrow to Don, whose relationship with the man deteriorated abruptly. Pakistan proved another headache when its strong-willed President, Pervez Musharraf, insisted on serving simultaneously as the uniformed chief of the military. As someone who also had official dealings with Musharraf, I can vouch for the accuracy of Don McKinnon’s assessment. Musharraf had the intelligence and – for a time – the popularity to lead his country in a more democratic direction, but his contempt for civilians made him unwilling to delegate and reluctant to relax his hold on power. In the end he destroyed himself and caused considerable harm to his country.

As a young man, Don McKinnon yearned to be a farmer, beginning by wrangling horses and cattle in Wyoming to sheep ranches in New Zealand. In maturity, he devoted himself to public service and rose steadily through the ranks from parliamentarian to become his country’s longest-serving foreign minister, then the fourth Secretary-General of the Commonwealth (complete with knighthood), and finally world statesman. Throughout this vertiginous journey, he kept his sense of balance and dry humour. He writes in this journal with the same flair that he brought to each of his many jobs, showing an eye for detail, the ability to penetrate quickly to the heart of any subject, and a sincere desire to make the best of an imperfect world. I trust that you will find him as I do: excellent company, indeed.

Madeleine Albright

Washington DC, May 2012

Introduction

‘The Commonwealth makes the world safe for diversity’

– Nelson Mandela, after his release from twenty-seven years of imprisonment, 1990

‘The best ever post-graduate course in politics’

– Former Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore on the leaders’ Retreat at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM)

‘It’s the best club in the world!’

– The former President of Malawi, Dr Hastings Banda, on why he loved being a member of the Commonwealth

‘The Commonwealth’s big enough for all of us’

– Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, Head of the Commonwealth, on her family’s deepening involvement in the Commonwealth

‘It is easy to define what the Commonwealth is not’

– Arnold Smith, the first Secretary-General of the Commonwealth (he added that trying to do so was ‘indeed quite a popular pastime’)

Naturally, there have been those who have taken an altogether contrary view. Shortly after he led Zimbabwe out of the Commonwealth in 2003, President Robert Mugabe described the Commonwealth as ‘a mere club. It has become like Animal Farm, where some members are more equal than others.’

Yes, the Commonwealth is an organisation that means many things to many people. It’s the world’s oldest international political association of states, yet when I became Secretary-General it was still struggling to establish a clear identity, and perhaps it still is.

What is the Commonwealth, how has it evolved and where is it heading? After eight years at the helm, I could just about predict the questions I would get from any audience I was addressing.

From the bluebloods of Great Britain: ‘Why do we have to have the European Union when we’ve got the Commonwealth?’ Or from another, older Commonwealth member country: ‘How on earth did Mozambique ever become a member?’ Or from the exasperated middle-aged-plus: ‘Why can’t the Commonwealth do more about Mugabe?’ From a student in a developing country: ‘Why aren’t there more Commonwealth scholarships for my country?’ Or, ‘How can I get to be the Secretary-General?’

The last question, asked many times, always pleased me as it suggested a bright young person thinking well beyond their normal horizons.

International organisations have sprung up all over the world since the Second World War. Although a number existed pre-1940, the record of the League of Nations gave few people confidence in such bodies. But as transport became easier and people moved more freely, countries with common interests began to formalise their relationships among the like-minded. Country groups came together for reasons of region, religion, security, language and culture.

The modern Commonwealth’s beginnings go back to the nineteenth century, when Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand (and, from 1922, the Irish Free State) achieved self-government, which in the early twentieth century was termed ‘dominion status’. The Balfour Report of 1926 declared that these countries, and Great Britain, were to be ‘equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs’. Though united by a common allegiance to the Crown they freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.

Regular meetings of prime ministers date from 1907, but the modern multiracial Commonwealth we know today is very much a product of the decolonisation process from the 1940s to the 1970s, which saw dozens of former British colonies achieve independence.

With India, Pakistan and Ceylon becoming independent in 1947–8, the London Declaration of 1949 dropped ‘British’ in front of ‘Commonwealth of Nations’ and discarded the term ‘dominion’ in favour of ‘Commonwealth member’.

When India declared that it wished to adopt a republican form of government while remaining in the Commonwealth, a constitutional crisis had to be addressed. It was agreed that when India became a republic it would remain a member, and in place of allegiance to the Crown it would recognise the monarch as head of the Commonwealth. Thus Queen Elizabeth II is head of the Commonwealth, but India is still a republic, along with a majority of members.

So emerged a new organisation born of the former Empire, now having eight members, which was to build up to fifty-four members by the time I became Secretary-General in 2000. As my friend and long-time expert on the Commonwealth Professor David McIntyre has observed, the organisation changed from being a small, white, imperial club to a large, multicultural, international association.

Many countries either linked to Britain or to another Commonwealth country decided it was an organisation they wished to join or could not afford not to join. A total of thirty-eight of the fifty-three members do not have Queen Elizabeth II as head of state, but recognise her as head of the Commonwealth. A very small number, notably Mozambique, Rwanda and Cameroon, have been accepted as members of the Commonwealth in recent times even though they are not former British colonies; at one time a part of Papua New Guinea, South-west Africa (now Namibia), Rwanda, Samoa, part of Cameroon and Tanganyika (part of modern-day Tanzania) were in fact former German colonies. On the other hand, some independent former British colonies such as Aden (now Yemen), Palestine and Jordan, Egypt, Sudan and Burma (now Myanmar) elected not to join.

The Commonwealth has no written constitution. Many leaders, and in fact Queen Elizabeth II herself, have referred to the concept of family as a partial explanation for the Commonwealth’s continuing existence. The Commonwealth exists because its members feel they have a natural, family-style connection. They have a shared past and in the main a shared common language and institutions.

The Secretary-General position was established in 1965. A year earlier, at the Commonwealth prime ministers’ meetings in London, the President of Ghana, the very ambitious Kwame Nkrumah, had proposed that there be an independent secretariat for the organisation, answerable to all member governments collectively.

This proposal was not universally welcomed, especially by a group now disparagingly referred to as the ‘old white Commonwealth’, namely the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, South Africa and New Zealand. I believe that there were some at the time who did not expect the Commonwealth to survive this diplomatic stand-off. Newer members were unhappy with what they saw as the old members’ preoccupation with the Cold War. The more pressing issue for the Commonwealth, declared Dr Nkrumah and others, was decolonisation and the gap between the First World and the Third. What was needed was a secretariat to provide the association with administrative strength and the ability to coordinate policy. The United Kingdom, Canada and Australia were all strongly against. New Zealand was silent, but in the end the old guard decided they should go with the new members, and so the line was crossed.

Many people believe, and I certainly agree with them, that the most significant advance in the evolution of the modern Commonwealth as we know it today was this setting up of the Secretariat in 1965. Until that year the management of the organisation had been firmly entrenched in the British Cabinet Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office, part of the Whitehall complex of government departments in London.

The first Secretary-General was former Canadian diplomat Arnold Smith, who began work in August 1965. Smith wrote cogently and somewhat self-effacingly about this period. What had emerged was the reluctance of the older group to have any obstacle between them and the British government. For the newer members it was about separating themselves a little more from the machinery and civil servants of the former colonial master. A secretariat central to the organisation, serving all equally, would principally assist their economic development.

Despite the intensity of the debate, and continuing rearguard resistance from the Commonwealth Relations Office, the Commonwealth now had a full-time Secretariat. And thirty-five years after the establishment of the Secretariat, it was my job to steer it through the first decade of the new millennium.

Early arguments over the status of the office of Secretary-General ranged from those who wanted just a secretary to those who wanted someone to work more independently. In fact, at the time of writing I still hear comments from some governments that the incumbent should be more Secretary and less General. But more on this later.

My predecessors, my successor and I, however, appreciated the fact that the Secretary-General would have a rank akin to a senior high commissioner. He or she would rank as an equal with leaders at the conference table and would be employed by the Secretariat. These last two points were strongly and unsuccessfully resisted by the British in 1965. They preferred that the Secretary-General sit in the middle of the circle of leaders on his or her own – so there could be no direct contact during meetings – and they insisted that they, through their Commonwealth Relations Office, be the employer. A second unsuccessful proposal.

As with many international organisations where governments are the shareholders, there is rarely agreement on the qualifications or characteristics of the chief executive or even senior staff members. Invariably they will oscillate between wanting a strong, forthright person, and wanting someone who will ‘just take the minutes’.

Nevertheless, there’s a job to be done, and on many issues the Secretary-General just has to do what he or she thinks best as there are many unexpected situations that do not fit easily into what’s known as ‘the area of responsibility’ or have not been mandated by leaders of government or the ministers.

The Commonwealth for which I have the highest level of familiarity has for over sixty years been getting these things right, but nothing ever remains static.

CHAPTER 1

A Rather Unusual Route

Although I was often introduced as an international diplomat, I would usually hasten to correct that by stating that most diplomats had high academic qualifications, were multilingual and had spent a lifetime in the job. I possessed none of those characteristics.

I came from a reasonably well-off but not by any means wealthy family. My father was a professional soldier who became a general, and my mother was from a pioneering Wellington, New Zealand family. From a very early age, influenced by summer stays on an uncle’s farm in the Manawatu district of New Zealand, I wanted to be a farmer.

My first real job, at age seventeen, was working on cattle, horse and dude ranches in Wyoming and Montana. This was possible because my family was living in the United States, where my father was the New Zealand Defence Attaché in Washington DC, that most beautiful city. I graduated from Woodrow Wilson high school there in June 1956, and Big Horn Wyoming was the beginning of a twenty-year trek in the world of agriculture. That stay was an introduction to the great American West and the pastoral splendour of Wyoming, and to have fun riding horses twelve hours a day and getting paid for it was a bonus.

Our family – myself, parents and four younger siblings – returned to New Zealand in 1957, and I was soon working as a roustabout and later shepherd on a 3,500-acre sheep and beef farm. This job was deemed to be near the bottom of the farming ladder and you were expected to work your way up to head shepherd, stock manager and finally manager. Each shepherd spent nearly all day on horseback monitoring 1,500-plus sheep and fifty or more beef cattle. For an eighteen-year-old it was all good fun and a steep learning curve. We were great meat eaters, and it was my job to kill and dress the sheep required for eating. But you learned first on the animals that were killed for the dogs to eat before you graduated to the carcass intended for human consumption. After a few months I could produce a respectable carcass of near-supermarket quality. We had tough horses, and they needed to be tough. This was very rough country, and I often carried a sheep back to our home base on the saddle in front of me.

Soon the government intervened. Conscription for all eighteen-year-olds was still the law, so after eighteen months I did four months of army training, passing an officer’s selection board, and was posted to an artillery unit. Then it was back to farming. My father, however, was convinced I should go to university, something I resisted strongly because it would stop me farming and earning money and would make no difference to my pay at the end. Nevertheless, the pressure of his wisdom eventually sunk in, so aged twenty-two I enrolled in a two-year diploma course at what was then Canterbury Agricultural College, now Lincoln University. That was very enjoyable even if, for me, not academically successful. But in the process of studying, partying and playing rugby, I was elected the vice-president of the Students’ Association.

This first foray into politics was interesting, stimulating and some fun. Politics is a drug for many, and the addiction can be very strong. I was always interested but not, I believe, addicted. However, having lived impressionable teenage years in Washington DC in the 1950s, watched the McCarthy hearings on television, stood in Pennsylvania Avenue to watch the Eisenhower second inauguration and been friends with the sons and daughters of congressmen and White House officials, I couldn’t help developing a fascination with politics.

I read The Washington Post, Time and Newsweek, and was completely mesmerised in 1960 by Allen Drury’s great book on Washington politics, Advise and Consent. With a father who was a senior army officer back in Wellington, politics seemed to always permeate family discussions. Former New Zealand politician John A. Lee’s book, Children of the Poor, was a fascinating read and an insight into New Zealand political history.

After Lincoln, I went into the back blocks of Taihape, again as a shepherd, with the firm idea of some day owning a farm of my own. It was a slow climb up that ladder, but finally I got to manage a farm north of Auckland in 1964.

With a new job, and newly married to Tricia Moore of Taihape, this seemed like the most appropriate move towards farm ownership, but little did I know then that the local community of the East Coast Bays and my involvement in the Junior Chamber of Commerce (or Jaycees, as they were known) were to slowly change my direction. An involvement with the Auckland Debating Association, teaching communication skills for nine years to prison inmates at the Paremoremo maximum security prison and joining a political party sparked many new interests, as well as a desire to do more and be more involved in getting things done and reshaping the local community.

During a long, cold winter in 1969, probably after listening to too many flattering comments about my abilities, I became a candidate for the National Party in the 1969 election.

I was a candidate for only seven weeks prior to the November election day, but I found the whole campaign most exhilarating. I enjoyed all of it: meeting people, street-corner speeches, arguing against opponents and advocating what a government in New Zealand should be doing. The big topics were the Vietnam War, industrial stoppages and the usual array of education, health and social welfare issues.

Yes, I had caught the political bug, even though I didn’t win the seat; I was a candidate again in 1972, when I was also unsuccessful but succeeded in pegging back my opponent’s majority. In 1975 my wife and I had four children under ten and a big mortgage on a new property, and I had lost money on the cattle market. I had left day-to-day farming, as it was never going to deliver any wealth, and had started to work part-time in the property business. So being a candidate again in 1975 was out of the question. Of course, it was the very year my National Party won big.

In 1978 a surprising opportunity emerged when a new electorate called Albany was created in response to the constant population growth on Auckland’s North Shore. With no sitting member of Parliament staking a claim to this winnable seat, I soon had a team set up to help me win.

Others thought the same, and fourteen prospective candidates lined up to seek the nomination, four of whom would ultimately become members of Parliament in subsequent elections. Having had two unsuccessful campaigns behind me that had taught me a lot, I believed I knew how to go about winning the nomination, and that I did.

So it was that on 27 February 1978, the day of my thirty-ninth birthday, I became the National Party candidate for the seat of Albany in the Auckland region. The speech to the selection committee was probably the most important speech I could ever have given, as winning launched me onto a totally new life trajectory which, with many ups and downs, has taken me to the present day.

No one can be prepared or even serve an apprenticeship to be an MP. You learn on the job, and if you enjoy the life and have some ambition, you slowly climb the greasy political pole. It’s a massive change for anyone who suddenly arrives in Parliament. Some adjust easily, some thrive in this new environment and there are always a few that just never fit in.

I guess I adjusted in reasonable time and soon began to do things in an efficient way. There is always more to do in any twenty-four-hour period than you have time for, so you do have to become a good time manager and become efficient with people and paper.

The institution that I joined was very male-dominated. The senior people in the government were predominantly Second World War veterans; some had been prisoners of war. They had served their country, so in some respects they had a more balanced if slightly sceptical attitude to political life than we new and enthusiastic members. We wanted electorate offices and a twenty-four-hour schedule of meeting people, and we would be available to open any sandpit in a kindergarten. We seriously wanted change from the very managed New Zealand economy of the 1960s and 70s, and so slowly we sowed the seeds of an economic policy which was more market-orientated than that which our own right-of-centre party had been deploying for most of the post-war years.

My own first argument within our governing party caucus involved questioning the right of the postal service to compete directly with the private sector couriers who had emerged in the environment of an inefficient Post Office. They were doing what the Post Office should have been doing, and doing it very efficiently. The result was positive, as the government changed its policy and the Post Office was told to leave the private couriers alone. Other colleagues brought forward similar initiatives, and slowly our party moved into a more enlightened era.

However, there were some things the leadership under Sir Robert Muldoon was reluctant to do, so we became divided as a party and lost the 1984 election. But then the left-of-centre new Labour government that followed us moved quite violently to the right and did many of the things that should have been the prerogative of our National Party.

I slowly moved through the ranks of the parliamentary party, becoming a whip in 1980, the chief whip in 1981, the deputy leader in 1987 and, on our party winning the election in 1990, the deputy prime minister. I had understudied the health portfolio for three years and was very ready to become minister of health. However, my Prime Minister had other ideas and asked me to become minister for foreign affairs and trade. This was another life-changing event. I held the portfolio for more than nine years, the longest of anyone in that portfolio ever in New Zealand.

It was life-changing, and where did I begin? As a parliamentarian you have lots of bits of knowledge across a wide range of governmental activities, but when you become a minister not only are you the face of that portfolio, you also have to know it thoroughly. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Wellington had about 600 staff and some forty-five missions around the world. The staff were some of the brightest and best out of our universities, and now they had a minister who had been to an agricultural university, without any academic success, and was about to learn on the job. In political terms the best I had done in this area was to attend a conference of Commonwealth parliamentarians in Kenya in 1983. However, I dived into the job with enthusiasm and some deserved modesty. It entailed a lot of travel, a lot of getting to know fellow foreign ministers and their key officials, but most importantly moving on the policy issues upon which the party had campaigned.

Repairing a fractured relationship with the United States brought about by the nuclear issue, which had declared New Zealand ‘Nuclear Free’, was at the top of the list. However, it was only after six months in the job that I realised that this issue seemed to permeate every other issue. Wherever I went the first question from a fellow foreign minister was, ‘How are you getting along with the US?’, as all knew that this relationship was an important cornerstone of a country’s foreign policy. It was not worth being offside with the United States.

Of course, the nuclear issue had been divisive in New Zealand. Within the Foreign Affairs team there were those who were immensely proud of this stance and defended it robustly. Others thought it was one of the more stupid things New Zealand had ever done and just held their counsel. I was caught. It was a government policy which I didn’t think was that sensible and so I made it clear that, yes, we would adhere to it, it was there, but we were not marketing this policy to the world.

The other was the relationship we had with South Africa and the imminent end of apartheid. In New Zealand, a rugby-dominated country, playing sport with South Africa led to pressure from those who felt that only the total international isolation of South Africa would bring about internal political changes. We were a very divided country on that topic as well; unfortunately, as we learned from the impact it had on other issues, we were playing with fire.

Very soon the benefits of multilateralism became apparent to me. I quickly realised that many of these meetings with my peers held the potential to transact very useful other business. Via APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Post-Ministerial Conference, the Pacific Islands Forum and, of course, the Commonwealth, there was much fertile ground for bilateral meetings as well as for keeping up with issues and their background. The UN is the one place where you can and should be able to meet everyone you need to at the General Assembly in September (although it’s so chaotic with 190-plus leaders or ministers and entourages that if you meet half of those you wish to, that will be regarded as successful).

The challenges of policy-making were fascinating. To convert the aspirations of a political party in opposition to workable policy is always a demanding exercise. I soon found that most Foreign Affairs officials took great delight in stretching their minds across the possibilities within these aspirations. It seemed as much an intellectual challenge, a mental exercise, as a means to an end. It would be an understatement to say I was well served by officials. Those I worked with put in extraordinary hours when required. They all worked hard, thought clearly and knew how to get the optimum result. As a small country you just don’t have the battalions to threaten anyone; you must get the intellectual work right, and thereafter it is hard graft. Then it’s a question of using the maximum leverage you can among your range of contacts around the globe.

The New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs was, and still is, an essentially career department. Many join from university and stay there for most of their working life. If there was one deficiency I felt needed remedying, it was the need for these very competent people to get out and tell the public what they were doing. I suggested to the successive chief executives Graeme Ansell, Richard Nottage and Neil Walter that all returning ambassadors should get on the speaking circuit – Rotary, the Chambers of Commerce and other luncheon clubs, the Institute of International Affairs and the trade bodies handling New Zealand’s large commodity exports – and tell people what was going on in the world. To keep talking to New Zealanders, I later initiated a series of seminars around New Zealand educating people on how to deal and trade with Asia. There seemed to me to be a strong need to get to know Asia and its people because of the expanding influence they would have on New Zealand in the future. We were successful in Asia, but for most Kiwis it was alien territory.

These seminars, however, were so successful that we then, with the help of the private sector, set up Asia 2000, the name suggesting we should achieve much by the year 2000. This organisation has now evolved into the Asia New Zealand Foundation and is still the principal body helping New Zealanders to understand Asia.

I also initiated the establishment of the New Zealand Institute for Strategic Studies to encourage independent debate on foreign and defence policy topics, the funding for which came from Foreign Affairs and Defence. In doing so I created a group that would often challenge our foreign policy, but at least they did so with more intellectual strength than the peace groups the media would normally turn to for a contrary opinion.

For me, reaching out to the community is important, if only to inform the taxpayers how their dollars are spent.

We campaigned actively and successfully for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council, which brought to the fore many foreign policy issues we would not otherwise have needed to be concerned about. Having a drink at the Libyan mission in New York to get their support was all part of the job at hand. The issues in the former Yugoslavia, Somalia and Rwanda, in particular, were very demanding. Working with our key officials we often had to make overnight decisions – and get it right.

There’s a curious thing about foreign ministers all over the world: the longer you are there, the more senior you become and the more wisdom you are perceived to have. This obviously helps, because even from a small country, it gives you more clout. By 1995 I was one of the long stayers and found that getting doors opened was much easier. I did not contemplate beating the seventeen-year record of Hans Dietrich Genscher of West Germany or Dr Velayati of Iran, and I was probably a bit lucky to make it into a third three-year term in 1996.

The Commonwealth came dramatically to my attention when New Zealand hosted the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Auckland in 1995. As foreign minister I had to play a significant role in most events. Strange as it may seen, foreign ministers were not major players in the Commonwealth family. The CHOGM was all about leaders getting together every two years, and there were many other ministerial meetings – finance, education, health, youth, sports, women’s and other ministers all got together. But there appeared no specific need for foreign ministers to be involved, even though the foreign ministries did all the legwork for many of the meetings.

Having chaired the meeting in Auckland on small states and become a member of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG – see Chapter 3), I started to get to know a little about the breadth, depth and value of this truly global organisation.

At the Edinburgh CHOGM in 1997 it was put to me quite seriously that I should stand for the job of Secretary-General, which would be decided at the next CHOGM in South Africa in 1999. That timing would also coincide with the next General Election in New Zealand. The thought captured my imagination, so I talked to a few of the people I met in my travels as foreign minister and soon ascertained I had some support.

Early in 1998 I felt there were three possibilities open to me, assuming that by 1999 I would have been New Zealand’s foreign minister for nine years and many would think it was time for a change. As with most jobs, after a number of years you start to see some things come round for the third or fourth time.

So these were the options: I could challenge for the job of Secretary-General, which would start in April 2000; I could leave politics after the November 1999 elections and look for a new challenge, probably in business; or I could stay in Parliament, though if my party was still in government I would seek a domestic portfolio.

If we went into opposition – could I again face years of negativity? No, I would resign from Parliament and have a rest for a while, or take the advice of former Secretary of State James Baker and just sniff the roses.

I decided the Commonwealth job was worth pursuing. I was reasonably well known, I was named Foreign Minister of the Year in 1998 by the magazine World Forum and I had worked hard to get a settlement to the civil war on the island of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea. So I went about contacting key players, prime ministers, presidents and foreign ministers whom I knew, seeking their views and their support.

All were very good. Tofilau Eti, the then Prime Minister of Samoa, said he would get all the Pacific behind me, as did Prime Minister Owen Arthur of Barbados for the Caribbean. My ministry, however, suggested I should run a low-key campaign, presumably protecting me and them if I lost. I said, ‘No, I’ve run campaigns, we go out big and tell the world. We’ll always listen but we’ll look confident.’

Another two prospective candidates emerged, who soon dropped to one – Farooq Sobhan, a former Bangladesh Secretary of Foreign Affairs. There was a feeling among many it was Asia’s turn, even though the Commonwealth did not designate ‘turns’. Although a Bangladesh candidate would get support in Asia, much would depend on which way Africa would go, and the chance of other candidates emerging could not be discounted.

Plans were prepared, a travel schedule developed and people were asked to speak up on my behalf. Amid all this, a curious and interesting parallel activity was taking place, with parliamentary colleague and former New Zealand Prime Minister Mike Moore seeking to be the new director general of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

International political positions are aggressively sought after, so two people from the same country seeking such positions was going to be a problem. The organisations were quite different, but given the trade-offs that go on in this arena, this was a risk for me. As most Commonwealth countries are part of the WTO, many would be asked to vote for two New Zealanders. Mike Moore was part of the Labour opposition, but he had done enough travelling and talking to people that he was able to prove to the government he had a good chance. Would they therefore back him and give him financial and personal support? The vote on the WTO position would be in August–September 1999 and the Commonwealth in November 1999; being part of the second vote might therefore be harder for me.

There was a little discussion about this in the Prime Minister’s department, and I was invited to have a candid conversation with my party leader and Prime Minister, Jenny Shipley, who generously said I was the priority, ‘and we have no obligation to fund Mike Moore’. This was not easy. She was giving me the option to pull the plug on Mike’s campaign for the only reason that it was my ministry that would be funding his campaign. I knew his campaign would be used against mine, especially by my opponent. How many jobs did New Zealand want? I knew many would take the easy option of one vote for New Zealand and one vote for someone else. But around that time, at the end of 1998, I did feel I was gaining ground and it would be churlish of me to cut him out of his race.

So I took a deep breath and said, ‘No, we’ll run both campaigns.’ We did, and New Zealand won both.

By now I was getting to know a lot about the Commonwealth – its role, the funding, the projects and the challenges – and I was becoming very excited thinking of the opportunities there, and the difference one could make to people all over the world. One phrase that kept coming back to me, uttered by a number of leaders when calling on them, was: ‘We don’t really make enough use of our Commonwealth membership.’

My campaign ran steadily (but not secretly) for a while until October 1998, when the Prime Minister launched it publicly in Wellington. We were able to say where our support was, where we believed it would continue to come from and how I had a very good chance of winning the contest.

‘Was I the best candidate?’ asked the New Zealand media. ‘Probably not,’ I replied, ‘but I believe at this stage I am the most electable.’

It is amazing the way all these top political jobs are filled. There are no job advertisements, no job applications, no screening process, no psychometric testing, no submitted material, no formal interviews, no trial period. It’s about which country you’re from, how many supportive heads of other governments will back you, your previous five to ten years – and you must look about right. When jobs such as the head of the United Nations, International Monetary Fund or World Bank emerge there is always an attempt by many to have more of the professional and less of the political brought to bear on the process. But as long as the sun rises in the morning, the international body realpolitik just wants to do things its own way and won’t allow another. Another strong element is that of political people picking other political people – or ‘I only trust one of my own kind’. However, as many political people will not know the candidate personally, it is for their diplomats to assess and provide advice. So a key to winning is not to get offside with diplomats anywhere.

For too many people, including some political leaders, the Commonwealth was defined by what it might have been thirty years before. I decided we had to ensure not only that people were brought up to date but also that the key to the modern-day Commonwealth’s survival was relevance and credibility: relevant in that the work the Commonwealth was doing was contemporary, useful and met members’ needs, and credible in that the work could stand up to the highest international scrutiny. We had to be truly internationally competitive and stand up for our values. Having been a member of CMAG, I had been able to see just what some leaders would do to stay in power rather than trust the people to an election.

I soon found a good network of supporters in Africa, even including Zimbabwe, who said they would support me because they saw me as the better candidate. But – and there were many buts – this assurance was often followed by: ‘But if the Malaysians put up a candidate, we’d feel bound to support them.’

I probably heard that ten times, and that’s the way international politics works. The Malaysians had made considerable investments throughout Africa, earning a lot of goodwill, and that is hard to beat. So I can honestly say that right up to the actual election at the CHOGM in Durban in November 1999 I would not have been surprised by the last-minute appearance of a smiling Malaysian candidate fully supported by Dr Mahathir, the Prime Minister of Malaysia. Maybe it was the financial crisis, or perhaps Mahathir felt he had lost his Midas touch, but none appeared. Dr Mahathir did try what I thought was a dubious end run by asking the Commonwealth Secretariat to circulate a one-page piece of paper calling for all leaders at the CHOGM to support the candidate from Bangladesh. The Secretariat wisely refused to do so.

It was a long but relatively efficient campaign. I campaigned for the Secretary-General’s job while I was travelling doing my job as a foreign minister, and in fact I made only two side trips that I would not have otherwise made. There was another reason I was pleased to contain my travels as far as possible. My first marriage had ended, and in 1995 I had married journalist Clare de Lore. Our son James was born in February 1998, as this campaign was really getting off the ground, and I wanted to be home whenever possible.

As the campaign came to an end I felt we were ahead. The best estimates of my head counter Simon Gimson (a diplomat and at one time my press secretary) were all twelve Pacific votes, at least ten Caribbean, two in South-east Asia, none in South Asia, three in Europe and more than half of the nineteen in Africa. Of course this was just one of the two campaigns run by our Foreign Affairs people.

A real weakness in our campaign was to be the absence of New Zealand’s Prime Minister from the Durban CHOGM due to the New Zealand elections. This absence always sends its own negative signal and creates some doubts as to commitment. Her place was taken by Sir Douglas Graham, the New Zealand justice minister, a good friend with the appropriate gravitas, who was well equipped to lead and was strongly helped by skilled officials.

So after a long journey – from wrangler to shepherd, farm manager, farm consultant, real estate agent, property developer, member of Parliament and foreign minister – I was elected the fourth Commonwealth Secretary-General, to take office in April 2000.

In the course of the next eight years I travelled widely, met many important and fascinating people and soon realised that you could make a difference to people’s lives by ensuring the right policies were pursued to their conclusion.

Although I was untrained in a world normally inhabited by diplomats, the one area in which I had a minor advantage was that of agriculture. I had never expected this subject to play a big part in diplomacy, but knowledge of farming, recognising plants, understanding soil types and assessing the health of the land and animals is second nature to one who has spent a lot of time on the land. Observing the land carefully tells you stories about the people and how they engage with the land. The small but fertile holdings in Malawi that I viewed from the air and on the ground could tell me reasonably accurately just how much people had to eat and the state of their health. From the deserts of Botswana to the lush vegetation in the Caribbean, there wasn’t a country in which the state of the land did not reveal interesting information.

CHAPTER 2

A Gracious Presence

‘The most important contact between nations is usually contact between people’

Queen Elizabeth II on the Commonwealth, in a speech in Westminster Hall on the occasion of her 60th year on the throne

‘Well, now that you’ve got the job you’d better meet She Who Must Be Obeyed,’ said my foreign affairs assistant Simon Gimson. He was, of course, referring to the head of the Commonwealth, Queen Elizabeth II, for whom he had worked in Buckingham Palace for four years on secondment from the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

We were in Durban at the 1999 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), and the leaders had gone off to the Retreat. This was the occasion on which leaders left the main conference venue and went off to a ‘secluded’ place, without officials, for informal interaction with no one taking notes. It was conceived by former Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, who rightly believed there was a need for leaders to be on their own, if only to discuss how to deal with difficult senior civil servants. Incidentally, at the Malta CHOGM in 2005 I was pleased during one session to hear Shaukat Aziz, the Pakistan Prime Minister, say that the Retreat, with only the leaders and no officials present, was the best international meeting he had ever attended. It’s always good to hear such comments, and he wasn’t on his own. It is never easy to explain to people that this Commonwealth convention was an amazing opportunity for leaders to be candid and genuinely enjoy each other’s company. I’m sure that a poll taken among leaders would find that this part of the CHOGM would be the last thing they would give up. The Retreat segment has since been imported into many international summits, including APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) and the Pacific Islands Forum.

On this occasion, the Queen hosted a function for all those remaining, mostly foreign ministers and senior officials. I had met the Queen on a few occasions before and always came away with the feeling that people don’t see her the way she naturally is. She is a person who smiles easily, laughs a lot and would have to be the world’s expert on handling small talk and on moving away graciously from a difficult and boring situation. In the eight years as Secretary-General, I must have had meetings with the Queen more than thirty times, and every meeting I enjoyed.

So from among a small group of people at the Durban function, there she emerged, probably the most photographed face in the world.

‘How do you do?’ she said with a smile. ‘And congratulations, it was a long campaign. And when are you coming to London?’

‘Thank you so much and, well, probably March,’ I replied.

‘Well, yes. Not too soon, you would wish to avoid the winter,’ she said with a chuckle. Then after a little more small talk, she moved on.

Then the Duke of Edinburgh moved into view. ‘My word,’ he said during the handshake. ‘Foreign minister for nine years. That’s pretty good.’ Always straight to the point.

I did get to London late in March 2000, ready to take on the job. In a pre-induction meeting, I was introduced to what would be an ongoing concern during my time in the job: the outgoing Secretary-General Chief Emeka Anyouku of Nigeria, going through his handover list, said it was very important to keep close to the royal family, and to ensure that the Prince of Wales, who seemed to keep his distance, was kept up to date.

Before I went to London I believed, like most assertive, egalitarian Kiwis, that in this day and age the monarchy could not and would not survive for much longer. I thought that the long-running democratic pressures for greater equality would eventually see it fade away. But after nearly nine years of living in London, of having significant contact with many close to the royal family and even members of the family themselves, I can see this institution more than outliving me, my children and my grandchildren.

Why the change of heart? First, you have to acknowledge that the monarchy is part of the fabric of society in the United Kingdom and has been so for more than 900 years. So it is not something alien, it’s part of the make-up of the country.

Second, it provides a balance to the elected democratic structures, which can only come about through several hundred years of living with each other through good and bad times and without causing surprises. It does give people a level of comfort, which leads to my next point.