Introduction to Psychoanalysis
Introduction to PsychoanalysisPREFACEPART I THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORSFIRST LECTURE INTRODUCTIONSECOND LECTURE THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORSTHIRD LECTURE THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS—(Continued)FOURTH LECTURE THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS—(Conclusion)II THE DREAMFIFTH LECTURE THE DREAM Difficulties and Preliminary ApproachSIXTH LECTURE THE DREAM Hypothesis and Technique of InterpretationSEVENTH LECTURE THE DREAM Manifest Dream Content and Latent Dream ThoughtEIGHTH LECTURE THE DREAM Dreams of ChildhoodNINTH LECTURE THE DREAM The Dream CensorTENTH LECTURE THE DREAM Symbolism in the DreamELEVENTH LECTURE THE DREAM The Dream-WorkTWELFTH LECTURE THE DREAM Analysis of Sample DreamsTHIRTEENTH LECTURE THE DREAM Archaic Remnants and Infantilism in the DreamFOURTEENTH LECTURE THE DREAM Wish FulfillmentFIFTEENTH LECTURE THE DREAM Doubtful Points and CriticismIII GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSESSIXTEENTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Psychoanalysis and PsychiatrySEVENTEENTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES The Meaning of the SymptomsEIGHTEENTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Traumatic Fixation—The UnconsciousNINETEENTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Resistance and SuppressionTWENTIETH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES The Sexual Life of ManTWENTY-FIRST LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Development of the Libido and Sexual OrganizationsTWENTY-SECOND LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Theories of Development and Regression—EtiologyTWENTY-THIRD LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES The Development of the SymptomsTWENTY-FOURTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Ordinary NervousnessTWENTY-FIFTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Fear and AnxietyTWENTY-SIXTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES The Libido Theory and NarcismTWENTY-SEVENTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES TransferenceTWENTY-EIGHTH LECTURE GENERAL THEORY OF THE NEUROSES Analytical TherapyCopyright
Introduction to Psychoanalysis
Sigmund Freud
PREFACE
Few, especially in this country, realize that while Freudian themes
have rarely found a place on the programs of the American
Psychological Association, they have attracted great and growing
attention and found frequent elaboration by students of literature,
history, biography, sociology, morals and aesthetics, anthropology,
education, and religion. They have given the world a new conception
of both infancy and adolescence, and shed much new light upon
characterology; given us a new and clearer view of sleep, dreams,
reveries, and revealed hitherto unknown mental mechanisms common to
normal and pathological states and processes, showing that the law
of causation extends to the most incoherent acts and even
verbigerations in insanity; gone far to clear up the terra
incognita of hysteria; taught us to recognize morbid symptoms,
often neurotic and psychotic in their germ; revealed the operations
of the primitive mind so overlaid and repressed that we had almost
lost sight of them; fashioned and used the key of symbolism to
unlock many mysticisms of the past; and in addition to all this,
affected thousands of cures, established a new prophylaxis, and
suggested new tests for character, disposition, and ability, in all
combining the practical and theoretic to a degree salutary as it is
rare.
These twenty-eight lectures to laymen are elementary and almost
conversational. Freud sets forth with a frankness almost startling
the difficulties and limitations of psychoanalysis, and also
describes its main methods and results as only a master and
originator of a new school of thought can do. These discourses are
at the same time simple and almost confidential, and they trace and
sum up the results of thirty years of devoted and painstaking
research. While they are not at all controversial, we incidentally
see in a clearer light the distinctions between the master and some
of his distinguished pupils. A text like this is the most opportune
and will naturally more or less supersede all other introductions
to the general subject of psychoanalysis. It presents the author in
a new light, as an effective and successful popularizer, and is
certain to be welcomed not only by the large and growing number of
students of psychoanalysis in this country but by the yet larger
number of those who wish to begin its study here and
elsewhere.
The impartial student of Sigmund Freud need not agree with all his
conclusions, and indeed, like the present writer, may be unable to
make sex so all-dominating a factor in the psychic life of the past
and present as Freud deems it to be, to recognize the fact that he
is the most original and creative mind in psychology of our
generation. Despite the frightful handicap of the odium sexicum,
far more formidable today than the odium theologicum, involving as
it has done for him lack of academic recognition and even more or
less social ostracism, his views have attracted and inspired a
brilliant group of minds not only in psychiatry but in many other
fields, who have altogether given the world of culture more new and
pregnant appercus than those which have come from any other source
within the wide domain of humanism.
A former student and disciple of Wundt, who recognizes to the full
his inestimable services to our science, cannot avoid making
certain comparisons. Wundt has had for decades the prestige of a
most advantageous academic chair. He founded the first laboratory
for experimental psychology, which attracted many of the most
gifted and mature students from all lands. By his development of
the doctrine of apperception he took psychology forever beyond the
old associationism which had ceased to be fruitful. He also
established the independence of psychology from physiology, and by
his encyclopedic and always thronged lectures, to say nothing of
his more or less esoteric seminary, he materially advanced every
branch of mental science and extended its influence over the whole
wide domain of folklore, mores, language, and primitive religion.
His best texts will long constitute a thesaurus which every
psychologist must know.
Again, like Freud, he inspired students who went beyond him (the
Wurzburgers and introspectionists) whose method and results he
could not follow. His limitations have grown more and more
manifest. He has little use for the unconscious or the abnormal,
and for the most part he has lived and wrought in a preevolutionary
age and always and everywhere underestimated the genetic
standpoint. He never transcends the conventional limits in dealing,
as he so rarely does, with sex. Nor does he contribute much likely
to be of permanent value in any part of the wide domain of
affectivity. We cannot forbear to express the hope that Freud will
not repeat Wundt's error in making too abrupt a break with his more
advanced pupils like Adler or the Zurich group. It is rather
precisely just the topics that Wundt neglects that Freud makes his
chief corner-stones, viz., the unconscious, the abnormal, sex, and
affectivity generally, with many genetic, especially ontogenetic,
but also phylogenetic factors. The Wundtian influence has been
great in the past, while Freud has a great present and a yet
greater future.
In one thing Freud agrees with the introspectionists, viz., in
deliberately neglecting the "physiological factor" and building on
purely psychological foundations, although for Freud psychology is
mainly unconscious, while for the introspectionists it is pure
consciousness. Neither he nor his disciples have yet recognized the
aid proffered them by students of the autonomic system or by the
distinctions between the epicritic and protopathic functions and
organs of the cerebrum, although these will doubtless come to have
their due place as we know more of the nature and processes of the
unconscious mind.
If psychologists of the normal have hitherto been too little
disposed to recognize the precious contributions to psychology made
by the cruel experiments of Nature in mental diseases, we think
that the psychoanalysts, who work predominantly in this field, have
been somewhat too ready to apply their findings to the operations
of the normal mind; but we are optomistic enough to believe that in
the end both these errors will vanish and that in the great
synthesis of the future that now seems to impend our science will
be made vastly richer and deeper on the theoretical side and also
far more practical than it has ever been before.
G. STANLEY HALL.
PART I THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS
FIRST LECTURE INTRODUCTION
I DO not know how familiar some of you may be, either from
your reading or from hearsay, with psychoanalysis. But, in keeping
with the title of these lectures—A General Introduction to
Psychoanalysis—I am obliged to proceed as though you knew nothing
about this subject, and stood in need of preliminary
instruction.
To be sure, this much I may presume that you do know, namely, that
psychoanalysis is a method of treating nervous patients medically.
And just at this point I can give you an example to illustrate how
the procedure in this field is precisely the reverse of that which
is the rule in medicine. Usually when we introduce a patient to a
medical technique which is strange to him we minimize its
difficulties and give him confident promises concerning the result
of the treatment. When, however, we undertake psychoanalytic
treatment with a neurotic patient we proceed differently. We hold
before him the difficulties of the method, its length, the
exertions and the sacrifices which it will cost him; and, as to the
result, we tell him that we make no definite promises, that the
result depends on his conduct, on his understanding, on his
adaptability, on his perseverance. We have, of course, excellent
motives for conduct which seems so perverse, and into which you
will perhaps gain insight at a later point in these lectures.
Do not be offended, therefore, if, for the present, I treat you as
I treat these neurotic patients. Frankly, I shall dissuade you from
coming to hear me a second time. With this intention I shall show
what imperfections are necessarily involved in the teaching of
psychoanalysis and what difficulties stand in the way of gaining a
personal judgment. I shall show you how the whole trend of your
previous training and all your accustomed mental habits must
unavoidably have made you opponents of psychoanalysis, and how much
you must overcome in yourselves in order to master this instinctive
opposition. Of course I cannot predict how much psychoanalytic
understanding you will gain from my lectures, but I can promise
this, that by listening to them you will not learn how to undertake
a psychoanalytic treatment or how to carry one to completion.
Furthermore, should I find anyone among you who does not feel
satisfied with a cursory acquaintance with psychoanalysis, but who
would like to enter into a more enduring relationship with it, I
shall not only dissuade him, but I shall actually warn him against
it. As things now stand, a person would, by such a choice of
profession, ruin his every chance of success at a university, and
if he goes out into the world as a practicing physician, he will
find himself in a society which does not understand his aims, which
regards him with suspicion and hostility, and which turns loose
upon him all the malicious spirits which lurk within it.
However, there are always enough individuals who are interested in
anything which may be added to the sum total of knowledge, despite
such inconveniences. Should there be any of this type among you,
and should they ignore my dissuasion and return to the next of
these lectures, they will be welcome. But all of you have the right
to know what these difficulties of psychoanalysis are to which I
have alluded.
First of all, we encounter the difficulties inherent in the
teaching and exposition of psychoanalysis. In your medical
instruction you have been accustomed to visual demonstration. You
see the anatomical specimen, the precipitate in the chemical
reaction, the contraction of the muscle as the result of the
stimulation of its nerves. Later the patient is presented to your
senses; the symptoms of his malady, the products of the
pathological processes, in many cases even the cause of the disease
is shown in isolated state. In the surgical department you are made
to witness the steps by which one brings relief to the patient, and
are permitted to attempt to practice them. Even in psychiatry, the
demonstration affords you, by the patient's changed facial play,
his manner of speech and his behavior, a wealth of observations
which leave far-reaching impressions. Thus the medical teacher
preponderantly plays the role of a guide and instructor who
accompanies you through a museum in which you contract an immediate
relationship to the exhibits, and in which you believe yourself to
have been convinced through your own observation of the existence
of the new things you see.
Unfortunately, everything is different in psychoanalysis. In
psychoanalysis nothing occurs but the interchange of words between
the patient and the physician. The patient talks, tells of his past
experiences and present impressions, complains, confesses his
wishes and emotions. The physician listens, tries to direct the
thought processes of the patient, reminds him of things, forces his
attention into certain channels, gives him explanations and
observes the reactions of understanding or denial which he calls
forth in the patient. The uneducated relatives of our
patients—persons who are impressed only by the visible and
tangible, preferably by such procedure as one sees in the moving
picture theatres—never miss an opportunity of voicing their
scepticism as to how one can "do anything for the malady through
mere talk." Such thinking, of course, is as shortsighted as it is
inconsistent. For these are the very persons who know with such
certainty that the patients "merely imagine" their symptoms. Words
were originally magic, and the word retains much of its old magical
power even to-day. With words one man can make another blessed, or
drive him to despair; by words the teacher transfers his knowledge
to the pupil; by words the speaker sweeps his audience with him and
determines its judgments and decisions. Words call forth effects
and are the universal means of influencing human beings. Therefore
let us not underestimate the use of words in psychotherapy, and let
us be satisfied if we may be auditors of the words which are
exchanged between the analyst and his patient.
But even that is impossible. The conversation of which the
psychoanalytic treatment consists brooks no auditor, it cannot be
demonstrated. One can, of course, present a neurasthenic or
hysteric to the students in a psychiatric lecture. He tells of his
complaints and symptoms, but of nothing else. The communications
which are necessary for the analysis are made only under the
conditions of a special affective relationship to the physician;
the patient would become dumb as soon as he became aware of a
single impartial witness. For these communications concern the most
intimate part of his psychic life, everything which as a socially
independent person he must conceal from others; these
communications deal with everything which, as a harmonious
personality, he will not admit even to himself.
You cannot, therefore, "listen in" on a psychoanalytic treatment.
You can only hear of it. You will get to know psychoanalysis, in
the strictest sense of the word, only by hearsay. Such instruction
even at second hand, will place you in quite an unusual position
for forming a judgment. For it is obvious that everything depends
on the faith you are able to put in the instructor.
Imagine that you are not attending a psychiatric, but an historical
lecture, and that the lecturer is telling you about the life and
martial deeds of Alexander the Great. What would be your reasons
for believing in the authenticity of his statements? At first
sight, the condition of affairs seems even more unfavorable than in
the case of psychoanalysis, for the history professor was as little
a participant in Alexander's campaigns as you were; the
psychoanalyst at least tells you of things in connection with which
he himself has played some role. But then the question turns on
this—what set of facts can the historian marshal in support of his
position? He can refer you to the accounts of ancient authors, who
were either contemporaries themselves, or who were at least closer
to the events in question; that is, he will refer you to the books
of Diodor, Plutarch, Arrian, etc. He can place before you pictures
of the preserved coins and statues of the king and can pass down
your rows a photograph of the Pompeiian mosaics of the battle of
Issos. Yet, strictly speaking, all these documents prove only that
previous generations already believed in Alexander's existence and
in the reality of his deeds, and your criticism might begin anew at
this point. You will then find that not everything recounted of
Alexander is credible, or capable of proof in detail; yet even then
I cannot believe that you will leave the lecture hall a disbeliever
in the reality of Alexander the Great. Your decision will be
determined chiefly by two considerations; firstly, that the
lecturer has no conceivable motive for presenting as truth
something which he does not himself believe to be true, and
secondly, that all available histories present the events in
approximately the same manner. If you then proceed to the
verification of the older sources, you will consider the same data,
the possible motives of the writers and the consistency of the
various parts of the evidence. The result of the examination will
surely be convincing in the case of Alexander. It will probably
turn out differently when applied to individuals like Moses and
Nimrod. But what doubts you might raise against the credibility of
the psychoanalytic reporter you will see plainly enough upon a
later occasion.
At this point you have a right to raise the question, "If there is
no such thing as objective verification of psychoanalysis, and no
possibility of demonstrating it, how can one possibly learn
psychoanalysis and convince himself of the truth of its claims?"
The fact is, the study is not easy and there are not many persons
who have learned psychoanalysis thoroughly; but nevertheless, there
is a feasible way. Psychoanalysis is learned, first of all, from a
study of one's self, through the study of one's own personality.
This is not quite what is ordinarily called self-observation, but,
at a pinch, one can sum it up thus. There is a whole series of very
common and universally known psychic phenomena, which, after some
instruction in the technique of psychoanalysis, one can make the
subject matter of analysis in one's self. By so doing one obtains
the desired conviction of the reality of the occurrences which
psychoanalysis describes and of the correctness of its fundamental
conception. To be sure, there are definite limits imposed on
progress by this method. One gets much further if one allows
himself to be analyzed by a competent analyst, observes the effect
of the analysis on his own ego, and at the same time makes use of
the opportunity to become familiar with the finer details of the
technique of procedure. This excellent method is, of course, only
practicable for one person, never for an entire class.
There is a second difficulty in your relation to psychoanalysis for
which I cannot hold the science itself responsible, but for which I
must ask you to take the responsibility upon yourselves, ladies and
gentlemen, at least in so far as you have hitherto pursued medical
studies. Your previous training has given your mental activity a
definite bent which leads you far away from psychoanalysis. You
have been trained to reduce the functions of an organism and its
disorders anatomically, to explain them in terms of chemistry and
physics and to conceive them biologically, but no portion of your
interest has been directed to the psychic life, in which, after
all, the activity of this wonderfully complex organism culminates.
For this reason psychological thinking has remained strange to you
and you have accustomed yourselves to regard it with suspicion, to
deny it the character of the scientific, to leave it to the laymen,
poets, natural philosophers and mystics. Such a delimitation is
surely harmful to your medical activity, for the patient will, as
is usual in all human relationships, confront you first of all with
his psychic facade; and I am afraid your penalty will be this, that
you will be forced to relinquish a portion of the therapeutic
influence to which you aspire, to those lay physicians, nature-cure
fakers and mystics whom you despise.
I am not overlooking the excuse, whose existence one must admit,
for this deficiency in your previous training. There is no
philosophical science of therapy which could be made practicable
for your medical purpose. Neither speculative philosophy nor
descriptive psychology nor that so-called experimental psychology
which allies itself with the physiology of the sense organs as it
is taught in the schools, is in a position to teach you anything
useful concerning the relation between the physical and the
psychical or to put into your hand the key to the understanding of
a possible disorder of the psychic functions. Within the field of
medicine, psychiatry does, it is true, occupy itself with the
description of the observed psychic disorders and with their
grouping into clinical symptom-pictures; but in their better hours
the psychiatrists themselves doubt whether their purely descriptive
account deserves the name of a science. The symptoms which
constitute these clinical pictures are known neither in their
origin, in their mechanism, nor in their mutual relationship. There
are either no discoverable corresponding changes of the anatomical
organ of the soul, or else the changes are of such a nature as to
yield no enlightenment. Such psychic disturbances are open to
therapeutic influence only when they can be identified as secondary
phenomena of an otherwise organic affection.
Here is the gap which psychoanalysis aims to fill. It prepares to
give psychiatry the omitted psychological foundation, it hopes to
reveal the common basis from which, as a starting point, constant
correlation of bodily and psychic disturbances becomes
comprehensible. To this end, it must divorce itself from every
anatomical, chemical or physiological supposition which is alien to
it. It must work throughout with purely psychological therapeutic
concepts, and just for that reason I fear that it will at first
seem strange to you.
I will not make you, your previous training, or your mental bias
share the guilt of the next difficulty. With two of its assertions,
psychoanalysis offends the whole world and draws aversion upon
itself. One of these assertions offends an intellectual prejudice,
the other an aesthetic-moral one. Let us not think too lightly of
these prejudices; they are powerful things, remnants of useful,
even necessary, developments of mankind. They are retained through
powerful affects, and the battle against them is a hard one.
The first of these displeasing assertions of psychoanalysis is
this, that the psychic processes are in themselves unconscious, and
that those which are conscious are merely isolated acts and parts
of the total psychic life. Recollect that we are, on the contrary,
accustomed to identify the psychic with the conscious.
Consciousness actually means for us the distinguishing
characteristic of the psychic life, and psychology is the science
of the content of consciousness. Indeed, so obvious does this
identification seem to us that we consider its slightest
contradiction obvious nonsense, and yet psychoanalysis cannot avoid
raising this contradiction; it cannot accept the identity of the
conscious with the psychic. Its definition of the psychic affirms
that they are processes of the nature of feeling, thinking,
willing; and it must assert that there is such a thing as
unconscious thinking and unconscious willing. But with this
assertion psychoanalysis has alienated, to start with, the sympathy
of all friends of sober science, and has laid itself open to the
suspicion of being a fantastic mystery study which would build in
darkness and fish in murky waters. You, however, ladies and
gentlemen, naturally cannot as yet understand what justification I
have for stigmatizing as a prejudice so abstract a phrase as this
one, that "the psychic is consciousness." You cannot know what
evaluation can have led to the denial of the unconscious, if such a
thing really exists, and what advantage may have resulted from this
denial. It sounds like a mere argument over words whether one shall
say that the psychic coincides with the conscious or whether one
shall extend it beyond that, and yet I can assure you that by the
acceptance of unconscious processes you have paved the way for a
decisively new orientation in the world and in science.
Just as little can you guess how intimate a connection this initial
boldness of psychoanalysis has with the one which follows. The next
assertion which psychoanalysis proclaims as one of its discoveries,
affirms that those instinctive impulses which one can only call
sexual in the narrower as well as in the wider sense, play an
uncommonly large role in the causation of nervous and mental
diseases, and that those impulses are a causation which has never
been adequately appreciated. Nay, indeed, psychoanalysis claims
that these same sexual impulses have made contributions whose value
cannot be overestimated to the highest cultural, artistic and
social achievements of the human mind.
According to my experience, the aversion to this conclusion of
psychoanalysis is the most significant source of the opposition
which it encounters. Would you like to know how we explain this
fact? We believe that civilization was forged by the driving force
of vital necessity, at the cost of instinct-satisfaction, and that
the process is to a large extent constantly repeated anew, since
each individual who newly enters the human community repeats the
sacrifices of his instinct-satisfaction for the sake of the common
good. Among the instinctive forces thus utilized, the sexual
impulses play a significant role. They are thereby sublimated,
i.e., they are diverted from their sexual goals and directed to
ends socially higher and no longer sexual. But this result is
unstable. The sexual instincts are poorly tamed. Each individual
who wishes to ally himself with the achievements of civilization is
exposed to the danger of having his sexual instincts rebel against
this sublimation. Society can conceive of no more serious menace to
its civilization than would arise through the satisfying of the
sexual instincts by their redirection toward their original goals.
Society, therefore, does not relish being reminded of this ticklish
spot in its origin; it has no interest in having the strength of
the sexual instincts recognized and the meaning of the sexual life
to the individual clearly delineated. On the contrary, society has
taken the course of diverting attention from this whole field. This
is the reason why society will not tolerate the above-mentioned
results of psychoanalytic research, and would prefer to brand it as
aesthetically offensive and morally objectionable or dangerous.
Since, however, one cannot attack an ostensibly objective result of
scientific inquiry with such objections, the criticism must be
translated to an intellectual level if it is to be voiced. But it
is a predisposition of human nature to consider an unpleasant idea
untrue, and then it is easy to find arguments against it. Society
thus brands what is unpleasant as untrue, denying the conclusions
of psychoanalysis with logical and pertinent arguments. These
arguments originate from affective sources, however, and society
holds to these prejudices against all attempts at refutation.
However, we may claim, ladies and gentlemen, that we have followed
no bias of any sort in making any of these contested statements. We
merely wished to state facts which we believe to have been
discovered by toilsome labor. And we now claim the right
unconditionally to reject the interference in scientific research
of any such practical considerations, even before we have
investigated whether the apprehension which these considerations
are meant to instil are justified or not.
These, therefore, are but a few of the difficulties which stand in
the way of your occupation with psychoanalysis. They are perhaps
more than enough for a beginning. If you can overcome their
deterrent impression, we shall continue.
SECOND LECTURE THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS
WE begin with an investigation, not with hypotheses. To this end we
choose certain phenomena which are very frequent, very familiar and
very little heeded, and which have nothing to do with the
pathological, inasmuch as they can be observed in every normal
person. I refer to the errors which an individual commits—as for
example, errors of speech in which he wishes to say something and
uses the wrong word; or those which happen to him in writing, and
which he may or may not notice; or the case of misreading, in which
one reads in the print or writing something different from what is
actually there. A similar phenomenon occurs in those cases of
mishearing what is said to one, where there is no question of an
organic disturbance of the auditory function. Another series of
such occurrences is based on forgetfulness—but on a forgetfulness
which is not permanent, but temporary, as for instance when one
cannot think of a name which one knows and always recognizes; or
when one forgets to carry out a project at the proper time but
which one remembers again later, and therefore has only forgotten
for a certain interval. In a third class this characteristic of
transience is lacking, as for example in mislaying things so that
they cannot be found again, or in the analogous case of losing
things. Here we are dealing with a kind of forgetfulness to which
one reacts differently from the other cases, a forgetfulness at
which one is surprised and annoyed, instead of considering it
comprehensible. Allied with these phenomena is that of erroneous
ideas—in which the element of transience is again prominent,
inasmuch as for a while one believes something which, before and
after that time, one knows to be untrue—and a number of similar
phenomena of different designations.
These are all occurrences whose inner connection is expressed in
the use of the same prefix of designation.[1] They are almost all
unimportant, generally temporary and without much significance in
the life of the individual. It is only rarely that one of them,
such as the phenomenon of losing things, attains to a certain
practical importance. For that reason also they do not attract much
attention, they arouse only weak affects.
It is, therefore, to these phenomena that I would now direct your
attention. But you will object, with annoyance: "There are so many
sublime riddles in the external world, just as there are in the
narrower world of the psychic life, and so many wonders in the
field of psychic disturbances which demand and deserve elucidation,
that it really seems frivolous to waste labor and interest on such
trifles. If you can explain to us how an individual with sound eyes
and ears can, in broad daylight, see and hear things that do not
exist, or why another individual suddenly believes himself
persecuted by those whom up to that time he loved best, or defend,
with the most ingenious arguments, delusions which must seem
nonsense to any child, then we will be willing to consider
psychoanalysis seriously. But if psychoanalysis can do nothing
better than to occupy us with the question of why a speaker used
the wrong word, or why a housekeeper mislaid her keys, or such
trifles, then we know something better to do with our time and
interest."
My reply is: "Patience, ladies and gentlemen. I think your
criticism is not on the right track. It is true that psychoanalysis
cannot boast that it has never occupied itself with trifles. On the
contrary, the objects of its observations are generally those
simple occurrences which the other sciences have thrown aside as
much too insignificant, the waste products of the phenomenal world.
But are you not confounding, in your criticism, the sublimity of
the problems with the conspicuousness of their manifestations? Are
there not very important things which under certain circumstances,
and at certain times, can betray themselves only by very faint
signs? I could easily cite a great many instances of this kind.
From what vague signs, for instance, do the young gentlemen of this
audience conclude that they have won the favor of a lady? Do you
await an explicit declaration, an ardent embrace, or does not a
glance, scarcely perceptible to others, a fleeting gesture, the
prolonging of a hand-shake by one second, suffice? And if you are a
criminal lawyer, and engaged in the investigation of a murder, do
you actually expect the murderer to leave his photograph and
address on the scene of the crime, or would you, of necessity,
content yourself with fainter and less certain traces of that
individual? Therefore, let us not undervalue small signs; perhaps
by means of them we will succeed in getting on the track of greater
things. I agree with you that the larger problems of the world and
of science have the first claim on our interest. But it is
generally of little avail to form the definite resolution to devote
oneself to the investigation of this or that problem. Often one
does not know in which direction to take the next step. In
scientific research it is more fruitful to attempt what happens to
be before one at the moment and for whose investigation there is a
discoverable method. If one does that thoroughly without prejudice
or predisposition, one may, with good fortune, and by virtue of the
connection which links each thing to every other (hence also the
small to the great) discover even from such modest research a point
of approach to the study of the big problems."
Thus would I answer, in order to secure your attention for the
consideration of these apparently insignificant errors made by
normal people. At this point, we will question a stranger to
psychoanalysis and ask him how he explains these occurrences.
His first answer is sure to be, "Oh, they are not worth an
explanation; they are merely slight accidents." What does he mean
by this? Does he mean to assert that there are any occurrences so
insignificant that they fall out of the causal sequence of things,
or that they might just as well be something different from what
they are? If any one thus denies the determination of natural
phenomena at one such point, he has vitiated the entire scientific
viewpoint. One can then point out to him how much more consistent
is the religious point of view, when it explicitly asserts that "No
sparrow falls from the roof without God's special wish." I imagine
our friend will not be willing to follow his first answer to its
logical conclusion; he will interrupt and say that if he were to
study these things he would probably find an explanation for them.
He will say that this is a case of slight functional disturbance,
of an inaccurate psychic act whose causal factors can be outlined.
A man who otherwise speaks correctly may make a slip of the
tongue—when he is slightly ill or fatigued; when he is excited;
when his attention is concentrated on something else. It is easy to
prove these statements. Slips of the tongue do really occur with
special frequency when one is tired, when one has a headache or
when one is indisposed. Forgetting proper names is a very frequent
occurrence under these circumstances. Many persons even recognize
the imminence of an indisposition by the inability to recall proper
names. Often also one mixes up words or objects during excitement,
one picks up the wrong things; and the forgetting of projects, as
well as the doing of any number of other unintentional acts,
becomes conspicuous when one is distracted; in other words, when
one's attention is concentrated on other things. A familiar
instance of such distraction is the professor in Fliegende Blätter,
who takes the wrong hat because he is thinking of the problems
which he wishes to treat in his next book. Each of us knows from
experience some examples of how one can forget projects which one
has planned and promises which one has made, because an experience
has intervened which has preoccupied one deeply.
This seems both comprehensible and irrefutable. It is perhaps not
very interesting, not as we expected it to be. But let us consider
this explanation of errors. The conditions which have been cited as
necessary for the occurrence of these phenomena are not all
identical. Illness and disorders of circulation afford a
physiological basis. Excitement, fatigue and distraction are
conditions of a different sort, which one could designate as
psycho-physiological. About these latter it is easy to theorize.
Fatigue, as well as distraction, and perhaps also general
excitement, cause a scattering of the attention which can result in
the act in progress not receiving sufficient attention. This act
can then be more easily interrupted than usual, and may be
inexactly carried out. A slight illness, or a change in the
distribution of blood in the central organ of the nervous system,
can have the same effect, inasmuch as it influences the determining
factor, the distribution of attention, in a similar way. In all
cases, therefore, it is a question of the effects of a distraction
of the attention, caused either by organic or psychic
factors.
But this does not seem to yield much of interest for our
psychoanalytic investigation. We might even feel tempted to give up
the subject. To be sure, when we look more closely we find that not
everything squares with this attention theory of psychological
errors, or that at any rate not everything can be directly deduced
from it. We find that such errors and such forgetting occur even
when people are not fatigued, distracted or excited, but are in
every way in their normal state; unless, in consequence of these
errors, one were to attribute to them an excitement which they
themselves do not acknowledge. Nor is the mechanism so simple that
the success of an act is assured by an intensification of the
attention bestowed upon it, and endangered by its diminution. There
are many acts which one performs in a purely automatic way and with
very little attention, but which are yet carried out quite
successfully. The pedestrian who scarcely knows where he is going,
nevertheless keeps to the right road and stops at his destination
without having gone astray. At least, this is the rule. The
practiced pianist touches the right keys without thinking of them.
He may, of course, also make an occasional mistake, but if
automatic playing increased the likelihood of errors, it would be
just the virtuoso whose playing has, through practice, become most
automatic, who would be the most exposed to this danger. Yet we
see, on the contrary, that many acts are most successfully carried
out when they are not the objects of particularly concentrated
attention, and that the mistakes occur just at the point where one
is most anxious to be accurate—where a distraction of the necessary
attention is therefore surely least permissible. One could then say
that this is the effect of the "excitement," but we do not
understand why the excitement does not intensify the concentration
of attention on the goal that is so much desired. If in an
important speech or discussion anyone says the opposite of what he
means, then that can hardly be explained according to the
psycho-physiological or the attention theories.
There are also many other small phenomena accompanying these
errors, which are not understood and which have not been rendered
comprehensible to us by these explanations. For instance, when one
has temporarily forgotten a name, one is annoyed, one is determined
to recall it and is unable to give up the attempt. Why is it that
despite his annoyance the individual cannot succeed, as he wishes,
in directing his attention to the word which is "on the tip of his
tongue," and which he instantly recognizes when it is pronounced to
him? Or, to take another example, there are cases in which the
errors multiply, link themselves together, substitute for each
other. The first time one forgets an appointment; the next time,
after having made a special resolution not to forget it, one
discovers that one has made a mistake in the day or hour. Or one
tries by devious means to remember a forgotten word, and in the
course of so doing loses track of a second name which would have
been of use in finding the first. If one then pursues this second
name, a third gets lost, and so on. It is notorious that the same
thing can happen in the case of misprints, which are of course to
be considered as errors of the typesetter. A stubborn error of this
sort is said to have crept into a Social-Democratic paper, where,
in the account of a certain festivity was printed, "Among those
present was His Highness, the Clown Prince." The next day a
correction was attempted. The paper apologized and said, "The
sentence should, of course, have read 'The Clown Prince.'" One
likes to attribute these occurrences to the printer's devil, to the
goblin of the typesetting machine, and the like—figurative
expressions which at least go beyond a psycho-physiological theory
of the misprint.
I do not know if you are acquainted with the fact that one can
provoke slips of the tongue, can call them forth by suggestion, as
it were. An anecdote will serve to illustrate this. Once when a
novice on the stage was entrusted with the important role in The
Maid of Orleans of announcing to the King, "Connétable sheathes his
sword," the star played the joke of repeating to the frightened
beginner during the rehearsal, instead of the text, the following,
"Comfortable sends back his steed,"[2] and he attained his end. In
the performance the unfortunate actor actually made his début with
this distorted announcement; even after he had been amply warned
against so doing, or perhaps just for that reason.
These little characteristics of errors are not exactly illuminated
by the theory of diverted attention. But that does not necessarily
prove the whole theory wrong. There is perhaps something missing, a
complement by the addition of which the theory would be made
completely satisfactory. But many of the errors themselves can be
regarded from another aspect.
Let us select slips of the tongue, as best suited to our purposes.
We might equally well choose slips of the pen or of reading. But at
this point, we must make clear to ourselves the fact that so far we
have inquired only as to when and under what conditions one's
tongue slips, and have received an answer on this point only. One
can, however, direct one's interest elsewhere and ask why one makes
just this particular slip and no other; one can consider what the
slip results in. You must realize that as long as one does not
answer this question—does not explain the effect produced by the
slip—the phenomenon in its psychological aspect remains an
accident, even if its physiological explanation has been found.
When it happens that I commit a slip of the tongue, I could
obviously make any one of an infinite number of slips, and in place
of the one right word say any one of a thousand others, make
innumerable distortions of the right word. Now, is there anything
which forces upon me in a specific instance just this one special
slip out of all those which are possible, or does that remain
accidental and arbitrary, and can nothing rational be found in
answer to this question?
Two authors, Meringer and Mayer (a philologist and a psychiatrist)
did indeed in 1895 make the attempt to approach the problem of
slips of the tongue from this side. They collected examples and
first treated them from a purely descriptive standpoint. That, of
course, does not yet furnish any explanation, but may open the way
to one. They differentiated the distortions which the intended
phrase suffered through the slip, into: interchanges of positions
of words, interchanges of parts of words, perseverations,
compoundings and substitutions. I will give you examples of these
authors' main categories. It is a case of interchange of the first
sort if someone says "the Milo of Venus" instead of "the Venus of
Milo." An example of the second type of interchange, "I had a blush
of rood to the head" instead of "rush of blood"; a perseveration
would be the familiar misplaced toast, "I ask you to join me in
hiccoughing the health of our chief."[3] These three forms of slips
are not very frequent. You will find those cases much more frequent
in which the slip results from a drawing together or compounding of
syllables; for example, a gentleman on the street addresses a lady
with the words, "If you will allow me, madame, I should be very
glad to inscort you."[4] In the compounded word there is obviously
besides the word "escort," also the word "insult" (and
parenthetically we may remark that the young man will not find much
favor with the lady). As an example of the substitution, Meringer
and Mayer cite the following: "A man says, 'I put the specimens in
the letterbox,' instead of 'in the hot-bed,' and the
like."[5]
The explanation which the two authors attempt to formulate on the
basis of this collection of examples is peculiarly inadequate. They
hold that the sounds and syllables of words have different values,
and that the production and perception of more highly valued
syllables can interfere with those of lower values. They obviously
base this conclusion on the cases of fore-sounding and
perseveration which are not at all frequent; in other cases of
slips of the tongue the question of such sound priorities, if any
exist, does not enter at all. The most frequent cases of slips of
the tongue are those in which instead of a certain word one says
another which resembles it; and one may consider this resemblance
sufficient explanation. For example, a professor says in his
initial lecture, "I am not inclined to evaluate the merits of my
predecessor."[6] Or another professor says, "In the case of the
female genital, despite many temptations ... I mean many attempts
... etc."[7]
The most common, and also the most conspicuous form of slips of the
tongue, however, is that of saying the exact opposite of what one
meant to say. In such cases, one goes far afield from the problem
of sound relations and resemblance effects, and can cite, instead
of these, the fact that opposites have an obviously close
relationship to each other, and have particularly close relations
in the psychology of association. There are historical examples of
this sort. A president of our House of Representatives once opened
the assembly with the words, "Gentlemen, I declare a quorum
present, and herewith declare the assembly closed."
Similar, in its trickiness, to the relation of opposites is the
effect of any other facile association which may under certain
circumstances arise most inopportunely. Thus, for instance, there
is the story which relates that on the occasion of a festivity in
honor of the marriage of a child of H. Helmholtz with a child of
the well-known discoverer and captain of industry, W. Siemon, the
famous physiologist Dubois-Reymond was asked to speak. He concluded
his undoubtedly sparkling toast with the words, "Success to the new
firm—Siemens and—Halski!" That, of course, was the name of the
well-known old firm. The association of the two names must have
been about as easy for a native of Berlin as "Weber and Fields" to
an American.
Thus we must add to the sound relations and word resemblances the
influence of word associations. But that is not all. In a series of
cases, an explanation of the observed slip is unsuccessful unless
we take into account what phrase had been said or even thought
previously. This again makes it a case of perseveration of the sort
stressed by Meringer, but of a longer duration. I must admit, I am
on the whole of the impression that we are further than ever from
an explanation of slips of the tongue!
However, I hope I am not wrong when I say that during the above
investigation of these examples of slips of the tongue, we have all
obtained a new impression on which it will be of value to dwell. We
sought the general conditions under which slips of the tongue
occur, and then the influences which determine the kind of
distortion resulting from the slip, but we have in no way yet
considered the effect of the slip of the tongue in itself, without
regard to its origin. And if we should decide to do so we must
finally have the courage to assert, "In some of the examples cited,
the product of the slip also makes sense." What do we mean by "it
makes sense"? It means, I think, that the product of the slip has
itself a right to be considered as a valid psychic act which also
has its purpose, as a manifestation having content and meaning.
Hitherto we have always spoken of errors, but now it seems as if
sometimes the error itself were quite a normal act, except that it
has thrust itself into the place of some other expected or intended
act.
In isolated cases this valid meaning seems obvious and
unmistakable. When the president with his opening words closes the
session of the House of Representatives, instead of opening it, we
are inclined to consider this error meaningful by reason of our
knowledge of the circumstances under which the slip occurred. He
expects no good of the assembly, and would be glad if he could
terminate it immediately. The pointing out of this meaning, the
interpretation of this error, gives us no difficulty. Or a lady,
pretending to admire, says to another, "I am sure you must have
messed up this charming hat yourself."[8] No scientific quibbles in
the world can keep us from discovering in this slip the idea "this
hat is a mess." Or a lady who is known for her energetic
disposition, relates, "My husband asked the doctor to what diet he
should keep. But the doctor said he didn't need any diet, he should
eat and drink whatever I want." This slip of tongue is quite an
unmistakable expression of a consistent purpose.
Ladies and gentlemen, if it should turn out that not only a few
cases of slips of the tongue and of errors in general, but the
larger part of them, have a meaning, then this meaning of errors of
which we have hitherto made no mention, will unavoidably become of
the greatest interest to us and will, with justice, force all other
points of view into the background. We could then ignore all
physiological and psycho-physiological conditions and devote
ourselves to the purely psychological investigations of the sense,
that is, the meaning, the purpose of these errors. To this end
therefore we will not fail, shortly, to study a more extensive
compilation of material.
But before we undertake this task, I should like to invite you to
follow another line of thought with me. It has repeatedly happened
that a poet has made use of slips of the tongue or some other error
as a means of poetic presentation. This fact in itself must prove
to us that he considers the error, the slip of the tongue for
instance, as meaningful; for he creates it on purpose, and it is
not a case of the poet committing an accidental slip of the pen and
then letting his pen-slip stand as a tongue-slip of his character.
He wants to make something clear to us by this slip of the tongue,
and we may examine what it is, whether he wishes to indicate by
this that the person in question is distracted or fatigued. Of
course, we do not wish to exaggerate the importance of the fact
that the poet did make use of a slip to express his meaning. It
could nevertheless really be a psychic accident, or meaningful only
in very rare cases, and the poet would still retain the right to
infuse it with meaning through his setting. As to their poetic use,
however, it would not be surprising if we should glean more
information concerning slips of the tongue from the poet than from
the philologist or the psychiatrist.
Such an example of a slip of the tongue occurs in Wallenstein
(Piccolomini, Act 1, Scene 5). In the previous scene, Max
Piccolomini has most passionately sided with the Herzog, and
dilated ardently on the blessings of peace which disclosed
themselves to him during the trip on which he accompanied
Wallenstein's daughter to the camp. He leaves his father and the
courtier, Questenberg, plunged in deepest consternation. And then
the fifth scene continues:
Q.
Alas! Alas! and stands it so?
What friend! and do we let him go away
In this delusion—let him go away?
Not call him back immediately, not open
His eyes upon the spot?
OCTAVIO.
(Recovering himself out of a deep study)
He has now opened mine,
And I see more than pleases me.
Q.
What is it?
OCTAVIO.
A curse on this journey!
Q.
But why so? What is it?
OCTAVIO.
Come, come along, friend! I must follow up
The ominous track immediately. Mine eyes
Are opened now, and I must use them. Come!
(Draws Q. on with him.)
Q.
What now? Where go you then?
OCTAVIO.
(Hastily.) To her herself
Q.
To—
OCTAVIO.
(Interrupting him and correcting himself.)
To the duke. Come, let us go—.
Octavio meant to say, "To him, to the lord," but his tongue slips
and through his words "to her" he betrays to us, at least, the fact
that he had quite clearly recognized the influence which makes the
young war hero dream of peace.
A still more impressive example was found by O. Rank in
Shakespeare. It occurs in the Merchant of Venice, in the famous
scene in which the fortunate suitor makes his choice among the
three caskets; and perhaps I can do no better than to read to you
here Rank's short account of the incident:
"A slip of the tongue which occurs in Shakespeare's Merchant of
Venice, Act III, Scene II, is exceedingly delicate in its poetic
motivation and technically brilliant in its handling. Like the slip
in Wallenstein quoted by Freud (Psychopathology of Everyday Life,
2d ed., p. 48), it shows that the poets well know the meaning of
these errors and assume their comprehensibility to the audience.
Portia, who by her father's wish has been bound to the choice of a
husband by lot, has so far escaped all her unfavored suitors
through the fortunes of chance. Since she has finally found in
Bassanio the suitor to whom she is attached, she fears that he,
too, will choose the wrong casket. She would like to tell him that
even in that event he may rest assured of her love, but is
prevented from so doing by her oath. In this inner conflict the
poet makes her say to the welcome suitor:
PORTIA:
I pray you tarry; pause a day or two,
Before you hazard; for, in choosing wrong
I lose your company; therefore, forbear a while:
There's something tells me, (but it is not love)
I would not lose you: * * *
* * * I could teach you
How to choose right, but then I am forsworn,
So will I never be: so may you miss me;
But if you do, you'll make me wish a sin
That I had been forsworn. Beshrew your eyes.
They have o'erlook'd me, and divided me;
One half of me is yours, the other half yours,
Mine own, I would say: but if mine, then yours,
And so all yours.
Just that, therefore, which she meant merely to indicate faintly to
him or really to conceal from him entirely, namely that even before
the choice of the lot she was his and loved him, this the poet—with
admirable psychological delicacy of feeling—makes apparent by her
slip; and is able, by this artistic device, to quiet the unbearable
uncertainty of the lover, as well as the equal suspense of the
audience as to the issue of the choice."
Notice, at the end, how subtly Portia reconciles the two
declarations which are contained in the slip, how she resolves the
contradiction between them and finally still manages to keep her
promise:
"* * * but if mine, then yours,
And so all yours."
Another thinker, alien to the field of medicine, accidentally
disclosed the meaning of errors by an observation which has
anticipated our attempts at explanation. You all know the clever
satires of Lichtenberg (1742-1749), of which Goethe said, "Where he
jokes, there lurks a problem concealed." Not infrequently the joke
also brings to light the solution of the problem. Lichtenberg
mentions in his jokes and satiric comments the remark that he
always read "Agamemnon" for "angenommen,"[9] so intently had he
read Homer. Herein is really contained the whole theory of
misreadings.
At the next session we will see whether we can agree with the poets
in their conception of the meaning of psychological errors.
THIRD LECTURE THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ERRORS—(Continued)
AT the last session we conceived the idea of considering the error,
not in its relation to the intended act which it distorted, but by
itself alone, and we received the impression that in isolated
instances it seems to betray a meaning of its own. We declared that
if this fact could be established on a larger scale, then the
meaning of the error itself would soon come to interest us more
than an investigation of the circumstances under which the error
occurs.
Let us agree once more on what we understand by the "meaning" of a
psychic process. A psychic process is nothing more than the purpose
which it serves and the position which it holds in a psychic
sequence. We can also substitute the word "purpose" or "intention"
for "meaning" in most of our investigations. Was it then only a
deceptive appearance or a poetic exaggeration of the importance of
an error which made us believe that we recognized a purpose in
it?
Let us adhere faithfully to the illustrative example of slips of
the tongue and let us examine a larger number of such observations.
We then find whole categories of cases in which the intention, the
meaning of the slip itself, is clearly manifest. This is the case
above all in those examples in which one says the opposite of what
one intended. The president said, in his opening address, "I
declare the meeting closed." His intention is certainly not
ambiguous. The meaning and purpose of his slip is that he wants to
terminate the meeting. One might point the conclusion with the
remark "he said so himself." We have only taken him at his word. Do
not interrupt me at this point by remarking that this is not
possible, that we know he did not want to terminate the meeting but
to open it, and that he himself, whom we have just recognized as
the best judge of his intention, will affirm that he meant to open
it. In so doing you forget that we have agreed to consider the
error entirely by itself. Its relation to the intention which it
distorts is to be discussed later. Otherwise you convict yourself
of an error in logic by which you smoothly conjure away the problem
under discussion; or "beg the question," as it is called in
English.
In other cases in which the speaker has not said the exact opposite
of what he intended, the slip may nevertheless express an
antithetical meaning. "I am not inclined to appreciate the merits
of my predecessor." "Inclined" is not the opposite of "in a
position to," but it is an open betrayal of intent in sharpest
contradiction to the attempt to cope gracefully with the situation
which the speaker is supposed to meet.
In still other cases the slip simply adds a second meaning to the
one intended. The sentence then sounds like a contradiction, an
abbreviation, a condensation of several sentences. Thus the lady of
energetic disposition, "He may eat and drink whatever I please."
The real meaning of this abbreviation is as though the lady had
said, "He may eat and drink whatever he pleases. But what does it
matter what he pleases! It is I who do the pleasing." Slips of the
tongue often give the impression of such an abbreviation. For
example, the anatomy professor, after his lecture on the human
nostril, asks whether the class has thoroughly understood, and
after a unanimous answer in the affirmative, goes on to say: "I can
hardly believe that is so, since the people who understand the
human nostril can, even in a city of millions, be counted on one
finger—I mean, on the fingers of one hand." The abbreviated
sentence here also has its meaning: it expresses the idea that
there is only one person who thoroughly understands the
subject.
In contrast to these groups of cases are those in which the error
does not itself express its meaning, in which the slip of the
tongue does not in itself convey anything intelligible; cases,
therefore, which are in sharpest opposition to our expectations. If
anyone, through a slip of the tongue, distorts a proper name, or
puts together an unusual combination of syllables, then this very
common occurrence seems already to have decided in the negative the
question of whether all errors contain a meaning. Yet closer
inspection of these examples discloses the fact that an
understanding of such a distortion is easily possible, indeed, that
the difference between these unintelligible cases and the previous
comprehensible ones is not so very great.
A man who was asked how his horse was, answered, "Oh, it may
stake—it may take another month." When asked what he really meant
to say, he explained that he had been thinking that it was a sorry
business and the coming together of "take" and "sorry" gave rise to
"stake." (Meringer and Mayer.)
Another man was telling of some incidents to which he had objected,
and went on, "and then certain facts were re-filed." Upon being
questioned, he explained that he meant to stigmatize these facts as
"filthy." "Revealed" and "filthy" together produced the peculiar
"re-filled." (Meringer and Mayer.)
You will recall the case of the young man who wished to "inscort"
an unknown lady. We took the liberty of resolving this word
construction into the two words "escort" and "insult," and felt
convinced of this interpretation without demanding proof of it. You
see from these examples that even slips can be explained through
the concurrence, the interference, of two speeches of different
intentions. The difference arises only from the fact that in the
one type of slip the intended speech completely crowds out the
other, as happens in those slips where the opposite is said, while
in the other type the intended speech must rest content with so
distorting or modifying the other as to result in mixtures which
seem more or less intelligible in themselves.
We believe that we have now grasped the secret of a large number of
slips of the tongue. If we keep this explanation in mind we will be
able to understand still other hitherto mysterious groups. In the
case of the distortion of names, for instance, we cannot assume
that it is always an instance of competition between two similar,
yet different names. Still, the second intention is not difficult
to guess. The distorting of names occurs frequently enough not as a
slip of the tongue, but as an attempt to give the name an
ill-sounding or debasing character. It is a familiar device or
trick of insult, which persons of culture early learned to do
without, though they do not give it up readily. They often clothe
it in the form of a joke, though, to be sure, the joke is of a very
low order. Just to cite a gross and ugly example of such a
distortion of a name, I mention the fact that the name of the
President of the French Republic, Poincaré, has been at times,
lately, transformed into "Schweinskarré." It is therefore easy to
assume that there is also such an intention to insult in the case
of other slips of the tongue which result in the distortion of a
name. In consequence of our adherence to this conception, similar
explanations force themselves upon us, in the case of slips of the
tongue whose effect is comical or absurd. "I call upon you to
hiccough the health of our chief."[10] Here the solemn atmosphere
is unexpectedly disturbed by the introduction of a word that
awakens an unpleasant image; and from the prototype of certain
expressions of insult and offense we cannot but suppose that there
is an intention striving for expression which is in sharp contrast
to the ostensible respect, and which could be expressed about as
follows, "You needn't believe this. I'm not really in earnest. I
don't give a whoop for the fellow—etc." A similar trick which
passes for a slip of the tongue is that which transforms a harmless
word into one which is indecent and obscene.[11]