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- Herausgeber: Musaicum Books
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
- Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2018
THE COMPLETE WORKS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON, edited by Allan McLane Hamilton, offers an unparalleled glimpse into the illustrious career and mind of one of America's most influential Founding Fathers. This anthology spans a wide gamut of genres, ranging from fervent political discourse to astute economic treatises, brought together under themes of governance, liberty, and human rights. The collection not only showcases prominent federalist papers but also includes lesser-known correspondences and writings, illuminating Hamilton's profound impact on American political philosophy and economic policies. The literary styles echo the period's rich rhetorical tradition, replete with persuasive eloquence and cogent argumentation, capturing the zeitgeist of revolutionary America. The contributors to this anthology are uniquely connected as direct descendants and scholars of Alexander Hamilton, with editor Allan McLane Hamilton providing critical insights and historical context. This familial linkage ensures an intimate and accurate portrayal of Hamilton's thoughts and philosophies. As the collection traces the evolution of American political thought, it also aligns with broader Enlightenment ideals that championed reason and individual rights. Together, these voices resurrect a pivotal era, offering a comprehensive understanding of Hamilton's contributions to both his time and ours. This anthology is a must-read for anyone interested in American history, political theory, or economic strategy. THE COMPLETE WORKS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON not only synthesizes a broad spectrum of Alexander Hamilton's writings into one volume but also encapsulates the genesis of American constitutional thought. Readers will find invaluable insights into the workings of one of the most brilliant minds of the eighteenth century, affording a unique opportunity to engage with the texts that helped shape the nation. This collection promises an enriching journey through the landscape of early American political thought, fostering a deeper appreciation for one of its primary architects.
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THE COMPLETE WORKS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON
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Table of Contents
The Life of Alexander Hamilton (by Allan McLane Hamilton)
Preface
The purpose of the writer is to utilize a large number of original letters and documents, written by Alexander Hamilton and various members of his family as well as his contemporaries, and which in some measure throw light upon his private life and career as a soldier, lawyer, and states man. Most of these have never been published, and were left to me by my father, the late Philip Hamilton, who was his youngest son. I have no more ambitious purpose than to produce a simple narrative, for there are several important works that fully and formally describe his public services. The latest of these is Oliver's excellent book, which is a noble monument to the memory of Hamilton. If I have gone into detail very minutely it is because of the belief that the familiar side of his life will be of interest to a great many people who have hitherto been furnished only with unauthentic generalities.
A few of the letters already published by the late John C. Hamilton and Senator Lodge, or which appear in the Life of James McHenry, have been used, and some of these are little known.
It is a pleasure to express my obligation to Delos McCurdy, Esq., and H. D. Estabrook, Esq., of the New York Bar; to Worthington C. Ford, Esq., Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society; Wilberforce Eames, Esq., Librarian of the Lenox Library; Edward S. Holden, Esq., Librarian of the United States Military Academy; William H. Winters, Esq., Librarian of the New York Law Institute; to Richard Church, Esq., of Rochester, New York, and R. K. Bixby, Esq., of St. Louis, Missouri, as well as others, for kindly and valuable help.
Allan McLane Hamilton.
New York, June 1, 1910.
Chapter I Origin and Parentage
Alexander Hamilton came into the world on January 11, 1757, his birthplace being Nevis, a mountainous island of the picturesque Antilles, 17° 14´ latitude and 62° 33´ longitude. Nevis has an area of about sixty square miles, and was colonized by the British in 1728. It is quite near St. Christopher, or "St. Kitts," and both islands were in 1757, and are to-day, under the same local government. Within a comparatively short distance is St. Croix, which became a Danish possession early in the eighteenth century. These three islands are the centre of the greatest interest so far as the early history of Hamilton is concerned.
Much unnecessary speculation has arisen regarding Hamilton's antecedents, but why there should have been so much mystery is a matter of wonder, considering that many of his own letters, referring to his family, have for a long time been in existence and are easy of access, so that there is little doubt as to his paternity or early history.
Gouvemeur Morris, Bancroft, Lodge, and others, have from time to time hinted at vague stories regarding his illegitimacy, and he has been described as the son of various persons, among them a Danish governor of one of the islands; and as a half-brother of his friend and playmate, Edward Stevens, whom he is said to have closely resembled, and who was afterward sent to the United States, to be educated by the Rev. Mr. Knox, with Hamilton. This early friendship was continued through life, although there does not appear to be anything in their subsequent intercourse to show that they were more than friends. Timothy Pickering left among his memoirs a statement which has been resurrected by Cabot Lodge, and, although alluded to by him as "mere gossip," was brought forward and published in his volume of the "Statesmen's Series." In this Mr. Pickering relates an interview which he had with a Mr. James Yard in Philadelphia, who was a brother-in-law of Mr. Stevens, both of them having married the daughters of a Danish governor of the West Indies named Walterstorff. Yard told Pickering that Hamilton was the son of a Scotch gentleman named Hamilton; that Hamilton and Stevens went to school together; that after the death of Hamilton, an aunt came to New York and spent some time in Hamilton's house, from which fact Yard concluded that Mrs. Hamilton must have received full information as to her husband's parentage, there being a vague inference that Hamilton and Stevens had the same father.
From documents in my possession, it does not appear that this lady, who was Mrs. Ann Mitchell, ever visited Mrs. Hamilton during Hamilton's lifetime, although she came to America before his death. She lived at Burlington, New Jersey, and was befriended by Elisha Boudinot, a brother of Elias, and, after the death of Alexander Hamilton, by Mrs. Hamilton, who provided for her. Although Hamilton seems to have been very fond of her—for he referred to her even in his last letter to his wife as his best friend—it is not at all certain that she was his aunt; in fact, in his expense account-book the following entry appears: "July 11, 1796: Donation to my Cozen Mrs. Mitchell; draft upon me $100."
Lodge's speculations regarding the early history of Hamilton first appeared in 1882, and were based in part on the unsatisfactory and inexact statements made by his son, John C. Hamilton, who in his works made the mistake of not publishing the letters of his father in their entirety, for what reason it does not appear. It has been clearly shown that Hamilton's father lived until June 3, 1799, and his mother only until February 16, 1768, when the son was but eleven years old and she thirty-two.
These matters are settled by the church records of the island of St. Vincent, where the father lived for many years until his death,' and by those of St. Kitts, where the mother was buried, under the name of Rachel Levine, so that the confused story referred to by Pickering was not only wrong in regard to the statement that Hamilton's mother lived to a good old age, but probably erroneous as to his other information. That Hamilton knew of his origin is well attested by various letters that have been preserved, some of which are here reproduced. His father and younger brother, James, frequently wrote to him, or sent drafts which were honored; and in the expense book above referred to, in the years 1796-7, 8, and 9, this sum amounted to several thousand dollars, which was a great deal for him to pay, considering the crippled condition of his finances, and the many other demands upon his slender purse. There is absolutely no proof, as has been stated, that his father was married twice, or that James was a half-brother.
That he was aware of the existence of his half-brother, Peter Levine, is shown by a letter to General Nathaniel Greene; in 1782 he also wrote to his wife as follows:
Alexander Hamilton to Elizebeth Hamilton
Engrossed by our own immediate concerns, I omitted telling you of a disagreeable piece of intelligence I have received from a gentleman of Georgia. He tells me of the death of my brother Levine. You know the circumstances that abate my distress, yet my heart acknowledges the rights of a brother. He dies rich, but has disposed of the bulk of his fortune to strangers. I am told he has left me a legacy. I did not inquire how much. When you have occasion for money you can draw upon Messrs. Stewart & [illegible], Philadelphia. They owe me upwards of an hundred pounds.
That he really was the son of James Hamilton, and was aware of the fact, is also shown by letters written to his bethrothed as early as 1780, and later by those to others, among them Robert Troup.
Alexander Hamilton to Robert Troupe July 25, 1795
I hesitated whether I would not also secure a preference to the Drafts of my father, but these, as far as I am concerned, being a voluntary engagement, I doubted the justice of the measure, and I have done nothing. I repeat it lest they should return upon him and increase his distress. Though as I am informed, a man of respectable connections in Scotland, he became, as a merchant, bankrupt at an early day in the West Indies and is now in indigence. I have pressed him to come to us, but his age and infirmity have deterred him from the change of climate.
James Hamilton to his son Alexander Hamilton
St. Vincent, June 12, 1793.
Dear Alexander: I wrote you a letter, inclosed in one to Mr. Donald, of Virginia, since which I have had no further accounts from you. My bad state of health has prevented my going to sea at this time—being afflicted with a complication of disorders.
The war which has lately broken out between France and England makes it very dangerous going to sea at this time. However, we daily expect news of a peace, and when that takes place, provided it is not too late in the season, I will embark in the first vessel that sails for Philadelphia.
I have now settled all my business in this part of the world, with the assistance of my good friend, Mr. Donald, who has been of every service to me that lay in his power, in contributing to make my life easy at this advanced period of life. The bearer of this. Captain Sheriff, of the brig Dispatchy sails direct for Philadelphia, and has promised to deliver you this letter with his own hands; and as he returns to this island from Philadelphia, I beg you will drop me a few lines, letting me know how you and your family keep your health, as 1 am uneasy at not having hegrd from you for some time past. I beg my respectful compliments to Mrs. Hamilton and your children, and wishing you health and happiness, I remain, with esteem, dear Alexander,
Your very affectionate father,
James Hamilton.
Alexander Hamilton to his brother James Hamilton, Jr.
New York, June 23, 1783.
My dear Brother: I have received your letter of the 31st of May last, which, and one other, are the only letters I have received from you in many years. I am a little surprised you did not receive one which I wrote to you about six months ago. The situation you describe yourself to be in gives me much pain, and nothing will make me happier than, as far as may be in my power, to contribute to your relief.
I will cheerfully pay your draft upon me for fifty pounds sterling, whenever it shall appear. I wish it was in my power to desire you to enlarge the sum; but though my future prospects are of the most flattering kind, my present engagements would render it inconvenient for me to advance you a larger sum.
My affection for you, however, will not permit me to be inattentive to your welfare, and I hope time will prove to you that I feel all the sentiments of a brother. Let me only request of you to exert your industry for a year or two more where you are, and at the end of that time I promise myself to be able to invite you to a more comfortable settlement in this country. Allow me only to give you one caution, which is, to avoid if possible, getting into debt. Are you married or single ? If the latter, it is my wish, for many reasons, that you may continue in that state.
But what has become of our dear father ? It is an age since I have heard from him, or of him though I have written him several letters. Perhaps, alas! he is no more, and I shall not have the pleasing opportunity of contributing to render the close of his life more happy than the progress of it. My heart bleeds at the recollection of his misfortunes and embarrassments. Sometimes I flatter myself his brothers have extended their support to him, and that now he is enjoying tranquillity and ease; at other times I fear he is suffering in indigence. I entreat you, if you can, to relieve me from my doubts, and let me know how or where he is, if alive; if dead, how and where he died. Should he be alive inform him of my inquiries, beg him to write to me, and tell him how ready I shall be to devote myself and all I have to his accommodation and happiness.
I do not advise your coming to this country at present, for the war has also put things out of order here, and people in your business find a subsistence difficult enough. My object will be, by and by, to get you settled on a farm.
Believe me, always your affectionate friend and brother,
Alex. Hamilton.
Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler (written prior to 1780)
I wrote you, my dear, in one of my letters that I had written to our father, but had not heard of him since, that the operations in the islands hitherto cannot affect him, that I had pressed him to come to America after the peace. A gentleman going to the island where he is, will in a few days afford me a safe opportunity to write again. I shall again present him with his black-eyed daughter, and tell him how much her attention deserves his affection and will make the blessing of his gray hairs. . . .
The general ignorance that exists regarding Hamilton's origin and intimate life has prompted me to publish fully all I know about him, and in doing this I must express my indebtedness to Gertrude Atherton, who has made a conscientious hunt for material, with remarkable success. The conclusions are that Alexander Hamilton was the son of James Hamilton, who was the fourth son of Alexander Hamilton, Laird of the Grange, in the Parish of Stevenston, Ayrshire, Scotland, and his wife, Elizabeth (eldest daughter of Sir Robert Pollock), who were married in the year 1730. The Hamiltons of Grange belonged to the Cambuskeith branch of the house of Hamilton, and the founder of this branch, in the fourteenth century, was Walter de Hamilton, who was the common ancestor of the Dukes of Hamilton, the Dukes of Abercom, Earls of Haddington, Viscounts Boyne, Barons Belhaven, several extinct peerages, and of all the Scotch and Irish Hamilton families. He was fifth in descent from Robert, Earl of Mellent, created by Henry I of France and His Queen, who was a daughter of Jeroslaus, Czar of Russia.
His mother, Rachel Fawcett, was born in the island of Nevis, and when a girl of barely sixteen was forced into marriage with a rich Danish Jew, one John Michael Levine (or Lawein), who treated her cruelly. The marriage was evidently one of very great unhappiness from the beginning, so that she was forced to leave him and return to her mother's roof.
This was in 1755 or 1756. Her mother, from all accounts, although a woman of great loveliness and charm, was ambitious and masterful, and had very decided ideas of her own regarding her daughter's future. She herself had had matrimonial troubles, and had separated from her husband late in life, after having had several children, but the mother of Hamilton came a long time after the others, and was brought up in unrestful surroundings, later witnessing the family quarrels. Doubtless the influence of much of this, coupled with the persuasion of her mother, led to the alliance with a man much older than herself, who finally made life insupportable. She appears to have been a brilliant and clever girl, who had been given every educational advantage and accomplishment, and had profited by her opportunities. By Levine she had had one son, who was taken from her by his father, and for a time lived with him, first at St. Croix, and afterward in Denmark, and it was not until several years afterward that she met James Hamilton, an attractive Scotchman, of much charm of manner, in the West Indies, with whom she quickly fell in love. Although, as has been said, her mother had parted from her own husband, it was impossible, owing to the disorderly condition of legal affairs in the provinces, for the daughter to formally get her freedom from the person who had so ruined her life, and although every attempt was apparently made, both by Hamilton and herself, they seemed unable to obtain any relief from the local courts, and lived together until her death, which occurred February 25, 1768, when she was thirty-two years old. It is quite true that the courts of St. Croix were available, but this was a Danish island, and Levine was a Dane, and a man of great local influence, which was used against them, so that their efforts were thwarted.
The social life of England and the colonies during the eighteenth century was, to say the least, unsettled, and this is especially true so far as the morals of the better class were concerned. According to Lodge, "divorce was extremely rare in any of the colonies, and even in England, and in the crown provinces it involved long, difficult, and expensive proceedings of the greatest publicity." In fact, if we may be guided by the existing reports, annulment was resorted to much pore often than divorce, and it is impossible to find any account of the existence of divorce laws on the islands of St. Kitts or Nevis; according to well-informed persons, there was even no act providing for separate maintenance.
Marriage rites were informal and elopements common, both in Great Britain and her dependencies; in fact, it was not until the passage of Lord Hardwick's marriage bill, and the energetic labors of Wilberforce, that the solemn nature of the marriage rite was established. Even then Hardwick's bill was opposed by Heniy Fox, who had married a daughter of the Duke of Richmond, and with the subsequent ascendancy of the gay Walpoles and Pelhams there was more tolerance with irregular marriages than ever.
Lecky and, later. Sir George Russell,' referred to the casual nature of the marriage customs, and the easy manner in which unions were made and broken, and at this time the pilgrimages to Gretna Green of those who were impatient of the law's delays or the objections of discriminating parents, were frequent.
In referring to the easily solemnized marriages which did not endure. Swift said: "The art of making nets is very different from the art of making cages," and very litde, if any, odium was attached to those who took matters into their own hands. In this country elopement was so common as to be a popular proceeding among the higher classes, and many of our forefathers chose this romantic and unconventional, but in those times perfectly innocent manner of mating. Four of General Philip Schuyler's daughters "arranged and took charge of their own marriages," that of his daughter who married Hamilton being an exception. Her beautiful sister, Angelica Church, ran off with an Englishman who came to the colonies, it is said, after a duel, and who changed his name to Carter, but subsequently resumed his own cognomen of John Barker Church, and was afterward the Commissary for Rochambeau.
Many other young women did the same thing, among them a daughter of Heniy Cruger, who eloped with Peter van Schaak, and "Peggy" White, who ran away with Peter Jay. Other young women of romantic inclinations were Susannah Reid and Harriet Van Rensselaer.
Hamilton's father and mother had much in extenuation of the bold step they took, and their subsequent mode of life does not appear to have been followed by any loss of caste; possibly because of the local sympathy, and the knowledge of the true facts of their unconventional relationship; and again, because there was no doubt of the sincerity and depth of their love for each other. From perfectly reliable sources it appears, and may be believed, that his mother's first husband was a coarse man of repulsive personality, many years older than herself. After Rachel left her mother's house and went to James Hamilton, Alexander Hamilton was born a year later. Levine then divorced her. In the records of the Ember Court of St. Croix it appears that "John Michael Levine (Lawein) was granted a divorce for abandonment and Levine was permitted to many again ; but she, being the defendant, was not."
It is said that Levine was not above depriving his wife's children by her union with Hamilton of the inheritance from their mother. At her death in 1768 she possessed several slaves which she left to her sons, Alexander and James Hamilton. John Michael Levine subsequently made application for these in "behalf of her lawfully begotten heir, Peter Levine." It is here distinctly stated that the grounds for divorce were that she had "absented herself." Mrs. Atherton who, in her collection of letters, refers to these facts, has made painstaking and careful examination of the records of the courts, not only in the West Indies but in Copenhagen, and states positively that there was no evidence that she deserted her husband to live with Hamilton, but was living with her mother in St. Kitts in 1756, when the latter appeared upon the scene. In a letter written by Alexander Hamilton the fact of his mother's unhappy marriage, which was brought about by her mother, is mentioned, and there seems to be no reason to doubt its truth. Whether Levine's failure to apply for a divorce on more serious grounds was due to a belief in his wife's innocence, or to the realization that he had driven her, by his cruel, to the arms of another man whom she truly loved, or whether the local court refused to take a severe view of her action because of its own knowledge of Levine, and the marriage itself, is a matter of speculation. Possibly he may have felt some of the magnanimity which, in more recent years, actuated Ruskin and Wagner. Certainly the best proof that no prejudice existed in after life in regard to Hamilton because of his birth are the facts, not only that General Washington invited him to become a member of his military family, but that General Schuyler heartily approved of the marriage with his daughter.
Hamilton's father does not appear to have been successful in any pursuit, but in many ways was a great deal of a dreamer, and something of a student, whose chief happiness seemed to be in the society of his beautiful and talented wife, who was in every way intellectually his superior. After her death he apparently lost all incentive he had before to continue any mercantile occupation, and left the island, going to St. Vincent, where he lived until a time shortly before his son's death.
It is not evident that Hamilton knew much of his Scotch relatives until after the War of the Revolution, although in a letter to his brother in 1783 he casually alludes to his uncles. In 1797 he wrote a long letter to Alexander Hamilton, the Laird of the Grange at the time, which tells very simply the story of his career in America and may be here used in an introductory way to what is to follow.
Alexander Hamilton from Alexander Hamilton.
Albany, State of New York, May the 2d, 1797.
My dear Sir: Some days since I received with great pleasure your letter of the 10th of March. The mark it affords of your kind attention, and the particular account it gives me of so many relations in Scotland, are extremely gratifying to me. You no doubt have understood that my father's affairs at a very early day went to wreck; so as to have rendered his situation during the greatest part of his life far from eligible. This state of things occasioned a separation between him and me, when I was very young, and threw me upon the bounty of my mother's relatives, some of whom were then wealthy, though by vicissitudes to which human affairs are so liable they have been since much reduced and broken up. Myself at about sixteen came to this country. Having always had a strong propensity to literary pursuits, by a course of steady and laborious exertion I was able, by the age of nineteen, to qualify myself for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the College of New-York, and to lay the foundation for preparatory study for the future profession of the law.
The American Revolution supervened. My principles led me to take part in it; at nineteen I entered into the American army as Captain of Artillery. Shortly after I became, by invitation, aid-de-camp to General Washington, in which station I served till the commencement of that campaign which ended with the siege of York in Virginia, and the capture of Comwallis's army. The campaign I made at the head of a corps of light infantry, with which I was present at the siege of York, and engaged in some interesting operations.
At the period of the peace of Great Britain, I found myself a member of Congress by appointment of the Legislature of this State.
After the peace, I settled in the city of New-York, in the practice of the law; and was in a very lucrative course of practice, when the derangement of our public affairs, by the feebleness of the general confederation, drew me again reluctantly into public life. I became a member of the Convention which framed the present Constitution of the United States; and having taken part in this measure, I conceived myself to be under an obligation to lend my aid towards putting the machine in some regular motion. Hence I did not hesitate to accept the offer of President Washington to undertake the office of Secretary of the Treasury.
In that office I met with many intrinsic difficulties, and many artificial ones proceding from passions, not very worthy, common to human nature, and which act with peculiar force in republics. The object, however, was effected of establishing public credit, and introducing order in the finances.
Public office in this country has few attractions. The pecuniary emolument is so inconsiderable, as to amount to a sacrifice to any man who can employ his time to advantage in any liberal profession. The opportunity of doing good, from the jealousy of power and the spirit of faction, is too small in any station, to warrant a long continuance of private sacrifices. The enterprises of party had so far succeeded, as materially to weaken the necessary influence and energy of the Executive authority, and so far diminish the power of doing good in that department, as greatly to take away the motives which a virtuous man might have for making sacrifices. The prospect was even bad for gratifying in future the love of fame, if that passion was to be the spring of action.
The union of these motives, with the reflections of prudence in relation to a growing family, determined me as soon as my plan had reached a certain maturity, to withdraw from office. This I did by a resignation about two years since, when I resumed the profession of the law in the city of New-York under every advantage I could desire.
It is a pleasant reflection to me, that since the commencement of my connection with General Washington to the present time, I have possessed a flattering share of his confidence and friendship.
Having given you a brief sketch of my political career, I proceed to some further family details.
In the year 1780 I married the second daughter of General Schuyler, a gentleman of one of the best families of this country, of large fortune, and no less personal and political consequence. It is impossible to be happier than I am in a wife; and I have five children, four sons and a daughter, the eldest a son somewhat past fifteen, who all promise as well as their years permit, and yield me much satisfaction. . Though I have been too much in public life to be wealthy, my situation is extremely comfortable, and leaves me nothing to wish but a continuance of health. With this blessing, the profits of my profession and other prospects authorize an expectation of such addition to my resources as will render the eve of life easy and agreeable, so far as may depend on this consideration.
It is now several months since I have heard from my father, who continued at the island of St. Vincent. My anxiety at this silence would be greater than it is, were it not for the considerable interruption and precariousness of intercourse which is produced by the war.
I have strongly pressed the old gentleman to come and reside with me, which would afford him every enjoyment of which his advanced age is capable; but he has declined it on the ground that the advice of his physicians leads him to fear that the change of climate would be fatal to him. The next thing for me is, in proportion to my means, to endeavor to increase his comforts where he is.
It will give me the greatest pleasure to receive your son Robert at my house in New York, and still more to be of use to him; to which end, my recommendation and interest will not be wanting, and I hope not unavailing. It is my intention to embrace the opening which your letter affords me to extend my intercourse with my relations in your country, which will be a new source of satisfaction to me.
From that time on he and his Ayrshire relatives not only kept up a correspondence but he was able to do much in this country for his young cousins, one of whom entered the American Navy. He, however, never had the chance to visit the home of his ancestors, though he came very near so doing. On this occasion, when he was urged to go abroad as a Commissioner to obtain a loan from France, he resigned in favor of his devoted friend John Laurens, who was anxious to go to England to seek the release of his father, who was then imprisoned in the Tower of London. To a friend Hamilton wrote in 1794:
My own hope of making a short excursion to Europe the ensuing Spring increases. Believe me I am heartily tired of my situation, and wait only the opportunity of quitting it with honor, and without decisive prejudice to public affairs. This winter, I trust, will wind up my plans so as to secure my reputation.
The present appearance is that the depending elections will prove favorable to the good cause, and obviate anxiety for its future. In this event my present determination is to resign my political family and set seriously about the care of my private family. Previous to this I will visit Europe. There I shall have the happiness of meeting you once more. But will not a few minutes afterwards give me a pang of final separation?
This plan like the other came to naught, and it does not appear that he ever after made even another attempt to cross the Atlantic, for his health became undermined by hard work and malarial infection incurred in military service. In a letter to Washington in November, 1795, he speaks of this, and a year later to the same person he wrote: "I seem now to have regularly a period of ill health every summer." In 1793 he was seriously ill, having been stricken with yellow fever, and his condition thoroughly alarmed his friends, among them Mrs. Washington, who showed the deepest solicitude, and in many ways attested her friendly interest in one who had been a member of the military family.
Martha Washington to Elizabeth Hamilton
I am truly glad my Dear Madam to hear Colo. Hamilton is better to day. You have my prayers and warmest wishes for his recovery. I hope you take care of yourself as you know it is necessary for your family.—We were luckey to have these bottles of the old wine that was carried to the East Indies which is sent with three of another kind which is very good, and we have a plenty to supply you as often as you please to send for it of the latter.
The President joins me in devoutly wishing Colo. Hamilton's recovery—we expect to leave this to morrow—and beg you will send to Mrs. Emerson for anything that we have that you may want.
I am my dear madam your
Very affectionate Friend
M. Washington.
His sister-in-law also wrote from England:
Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton
London, January 2$th, 1794.
When my Dear Eliza, when am I to receive a letter from you? When am I to hear that you are in perfect health, and that you are no longer in fear for the life of your dear Hamilton?
For my part, now that the fever is gone, I am all alive to the apprehensions of the war. One sorrow succeeds another. It has been whispered to me that my friend Alexander means to quit his employment of Secretary. The country will lose one of her best friends, and you, my Dear Eliza, will be the only person to whom this change can be either necessary or agreeable. I am inclined to believe that it is your influence induces him to withdraw from public life. That so good a wife, so tender a mother, should be so bad a patriot is wonderful.
The ruined castle of the Cambuskeith Hamiltons was known as Kerilaw Casde, and in 1836 when visited by James A. Hamilton, the second son of Alexander Hamilton, was near a comfortable modem home, then occupied by the last Laird of the Grange, who died a year later, and who sat in the sunshine feeding his pigeons, and entertained his visitor with quaint stories in the manner of Stevenson or Crockett, while in the evening he and his family very formally brewed their toddy, and ate oatmeal biscuit, while the "simple and agreeable tipple occupied the party for an hour or so in lively chat."
Hamilton's early life has been so often referred to by historians that there is little to add, except that from the first he displayed all the precocity which led to his subsequent early advancement, and this was undoubtedly stimulated by his helpless condition, and the necessity for doing something. As is known, when but fourteen he conducted the affairs of Nicholas Cruger in his absence, writing important business letters which, in themselves, showed a mature knowledge and ripeness of judgment.
Alexander Hamilton to Henry Cruger
St. Croix, February 24th, 1772.
Henry Cruger, Esq.
Sir: The 9th ultimo Capt. Robert Gibb handed me your favour dated December 19th, 1771, covering Invoice and Bill of Lading for sundreys—which are landed in good order agreeable thereto. I sold all your lumber off Immediately at £16 luckily enough, the price of that article being now reduced to £12, as great quantitys have been lately imported from different parts of this Continent.—Indeed, there must be a vast Consumption this Crop—which makes it probable that the price will again rise—unless the Crops at windward should fall short—as is said to be the case,—whereby we shall fair to be Overstocked—the Oats and Cheese I have also sold, the former at 6 sh. per Bushell, and the latter at 9 sh. pr. Your mahogany is of the very worst kind or I could readily have obtained 6 sh. pr foot for it, but at present tis blown upon, tis fit only for end work.
I enclose you a price Current & refer you thereto for other matters.
Capt. Gibbs was ready to sail seven days after his arrival but was detained two days longer by strong Contrary winds which made it impossible to get out of the Harbour.
Believe me Sir Nothing was neglected on my part to give him the utmost Dispatch, & considering that his Cargo was stowed very Hicheldy-picheldy—the proceeding part of it rather uppermost. I think he was dispatched as soon as could be expected.—Inclosed you have Invoice of Rum and Sugar shipt in the sloop agreeable to your Orders. I could not by any means get your Casks filled by any of the planters but shall dispose of the HHDS out of which the Rum was started for your account, from which however will proceed a small loss—Also have account of sloops Port Charges, of which I hope and Doubt not you'll find right.—
Youll be a little surprised when I tell you Capt. Gibbs was obliged to leave his freight money behind; the reason is this; Mr. B would by no means raise his part—tis true he might have been compelled by Law, but that would have been altogether imprudent—for to have inforced payment & to have converted that payment into Joes-which were extremely scarce—would have been attended with detention of at least ten or twelve days, and the other freights were very triffling so that the whole now rests with me, and God knows when I shall be able to receive Mr. B—part. who is long winded enough. Mr. B begs to present his respects, which concludes Sir.
Your very Humble St.
for N—C A—H
When fifteen years old, having shown his cleverness in many ways, he was sent to the United States, and landed in Boston; subsequently reaching New York, where he met Elias Boudinot, who helped him in the matter of obtaining his education.
At an early age Hamilton developed a facility in expression that widened with succeeding years, and he accumulated a remarkably extended vocabulary which is apparent in everything that he wrote and said, and if the power of thought is measured, as is generally admitted, by the extent and accumulation of symbols and ideas, he certainly possessed a rich store of both. This seems strange, for it does not appear that he had access to many books, or received more than the childish education at the knee of his mother to the time of her death, when he was but eleven years old, although it has been stated that in his earliest infancy he was able to read the Hebrew Decalogue. It is certain that he understood French as well as English, and his early literary productions, among them the famous account of the tornado, show much precocity and fertility of composition. He certainly was able, not only to express himself well, but to make a selection of terse terms and vigorous English.
When Hamilton reached America in 1772 he brought letters which he delivered to the Rev. Hugh Knox and to William Livingston, afterward governor of New Jersey, and stayed with the latter at his house, which was known as "Liberty Hall," while he attended the school of which Dr. Barber was the head master, at Elizabethtown. In the winter of 1773-4 he was ready for college and would have entered Princeton, but he went to President Witherspoon with a proposition that he should be allowed to pass from one class to another when so qualified, instead of following the usual routine of the university. This proposal was not acceded to, so he turned his steps to King's College in New York, which was then situated between the streets that are now Church, Greenwich, Barclay, and Murray. The president was the Rev. Dr. Myles Cooper, a stanch loyal Englishman, who had succeeded Samuel Johnson, the first president of the college, and with him were associated Dr. Samuel Clossey, who taught medicine, and Dr. Peter Middleton. Dr. Clossey was a clever Irish surgeon and a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and came to America in 1764, when he was fony-nine years old. He left an active medical practice to emigrate, and a year after his arrival was appointed to King's College as Professor of Natural Philosophy, but subsequently was selected for the Chair of Anatomy, which he filled until 1774. He was a loyalist and did not at all sympathize with the colonists, so finding the atmosphere of New York uncongenial, returned to England, resigning his professorial position, and giving up his American practice. Dr. Peter Middleton lectured upon Chemistry.
The faculty seems to have been limited to these three men, to Dr. Cooper being assigned Latin, Greek, English, mathematics, and philosophy. Hamilton followed the rules which he afterward laid down for the guidance of his son Philip, and from morning till night led an abstemious life and devoted himself to his work, taking the literary course, and also studying medicine.
Here he had no trouble in advancing as rapidly as he chose; but his college course was brought to a close by the famous meeting in the "Fields," and his sudden entrance into public life. New York was tardy in following the example of the other colonies in open and effective rebellion, and in uniting to form the first Congress. Alexander McDougall, Isaac Sears and others who belonged to the "Sons of Liberty," who later showed their patriotism in a number of riotous acts, were the prime movers in organizing a public meeting in what is now the City Hall Park. It was their object to stir the half-hearted Assembly to some action, and to urge upon it the meaning of heeding the voice of the patriots who were daily increasing in numbers. This was the occasion for Hamilton, a mere stripling, to force his way through the crowd to the front, and make a stirring address which seems to have aroused the assemblage more than the speeches of older men. This was really the opening of his career, and the impression he made as an orator was all the more profound because of his very physical immaturity. It does not appear from the records of the college that he graduated, but that his career as a soldier and patriot really began in the midst of the curriculum.
He was then but seventeen, and he had already begun to command attention by his eloquence and by his contributions to the Age and Holt's Gazette, where he became engaged in controversies with his own college president, who would not believe that the boy he had taught could produce such "well-reasoned and cogent political disquisitions."
It was at this time that Hamilton organized his students' corps, who adopted the name "Hearts of Oak" and who promptly performed a number of rebellious acts, such as removing the cannon from the Battery under fire of the British ship-of-war Asia, at anchor in the bay.
Trevelyan refers to the outbreak of these young patriots, and alludes to the fact that "there was very little bloodshed, but some profanation, for later young Alexander Hamilton at the battle of Princeton, with the irreverence of a student fresh from a rival place of education, planted his guns on the sacred green of the academical campus, and fired a six-pound shot, which is said to have passed through the head of King George the Second's portrait in the chapel."
The later extreme violence of some of the patriots was distasteful to Hamilton, and he resented the idea of the incursions of patriots from other colonies. When Isaac Sears came down with the mounted horse and destroyed Riving-ton's press, Hamilton protested and wrote to John Jay:
Alexander Hamilton to John Jay
New York, November. 26, 1775.
Dear Sir: I take the liberty to trouble you with some remarks on a matter which to me appears of not a little importance; doubting not that you will use your influence in congress to procure a remedy for the evil I shall mention, if you think the considerations I shall urge are of that weight they seem in my judgent to possess.
You will probably ere this reaches you have heard of the late incursion made into this city by a number of horsemen from New England under the command of Capt. Sears, who took away Mr. Rivington's types and a Couteau or two.—Though I am fully sensible how dangerous and pernicuous Rivington's press has been, and how detestable the character of the man is in every respect, yet I cannot help disapproving and condemning this step.
In times of such commotion as the present, while the passions of men worked up to an uncommon pitch there is great danger of fatal extreme. The same state of the passions which fits the multitude, who have not a sufficient stock of reason and knowledge to guide them, for opposition to tyranny and oppression, very naturally leads them to a contempt and disregard of all authority. The due medium is hardly to be found among the more intelligent, it is almost possible among the unthinking populace. When the minds of these are loosened from their attachment to ancient establishments and courses, they seem to grow giddy and are apt more or less to run into anarchy. These principles, too true in themselves, and confirmed to me both by reading and my own experience, deserve extremely the attention of those, who have the direction of public affairs. In such tempestuous times, it requires the greatest skill in the political pilots to keep men steady and within proper bounds, on which account I am always more or less alarmed at every thing which is done of mere will and pleasure without any proper authority. Irregularities I know are to be expected, but they are nevertheless dangerous and ought to be checked, by every prudent and moderate mean. From these general maxims, I disapprove of the irruption in question, as serving to cherish a spirit of disorder at a season when men are too prone to it of themselves.
Moreover, New England is very populous and powerful. It is not safe to trust to the virtue of any people. Such proceedings will serve to produce and encourage a spirit of encroachment and arrogance in them. I like not to see potent neighbours indulged in the practice of making inroads at pleasure into this or any other province.
You well know too. Sir, that antipathies and prejudices have long subsisted between this province and New England. To this may be attributed a principal part of the disaffection now prevalent among us. Measures of the present nature, however they may serve to intimidate, will secretly revive and increase those ancient animosities, which though smothered for a while will break out when there is a favorable opportunity.
Besides this, men coming from a neighbouring province to chastise the notorious friends of the ministry here, will hold up an idea to our enemies not very advantageous to our affairs. They will imagine that the New Yorkers are totally, or a majority of them disaffected to the American cause which makes the interposal of their neighbours necessary: or that such violences will breed differences and effect that which they have been so eagerly wishing, a division and quarreling among ourselves. Everything of such an aspect must encourage their hopes.
Upon the whole the measure is condemned, by all the cautious and prudent among the whigs, and will evidently be productive of secret jealousy and ill blood if a stop is not put to things of this kind for the future.
All the good purposes that could be expected from such a step will be answered; and many ill consequences will be prevented if your body gently interposes a check for the future. Rivington will be intimidated & the tories will be convinced that the other colonies will not tamely see the general cause betrayed by the Yorkers.—A favourable idea will be impressed of your justice & impartiality in discouraging the encroachments of any one province on another; and the apprehensions of prudent men respecting the ill-effects of an ungoverned spirit in the people of New England will be quieted—Believe me Sir it is a matter of consequence and deserves serious attention.
The tories it is objected by some are growing insolent and clamorous: It is necessary to repress and overawe them.—There is truth in this; but the present remedy is a bad one. Let your body station in different parts of the province most tainted, with the ministerial infection, a few regiments of troops, raised in Philadelphia the Jerseys or any other province except New England. These will suffice to strengthen and support the Whigs who are still I flatter myself a large majority and to suppress the efforts of the tories. The pretense for this would be plausible. There is no knowing how soon the Ministry may make an attempt upon New York: There is reason to believe they will not be long before they turn their attention to it—In this there will be some order & regularity, and no grounds of alarm to our friends.—
I am Sir with very great Esteem
Your most hum Servant
A. Hamilton.
Jay subsequently wrote to Nathaniel Woodhull, President of the Provincial Congress of New York, communicating Hamilton's views:
The New England exploit is much talked of and conjectures are numerous as to the part the Convention will take relative to it. Some consider it as an ill compliment to the Government of the Province, and prophesy that you have too much Christian meekness to take any notice of it. For my own part I do not approve of the feat, & think it neither argues much wisdom nor much bravery; at any rate, if it was to have been done, I wish our own people, and not strangers, had taken the liberty of doing it. I confess I am not a little jealous of the honour of the Province, and am persuaded that its reputation cannot be maintained without some little spirit being mingled with its prudence.
Hamilton appears, even when the chance for a systematic education was denied him, to have gone on with his studies, and to have worked constantly to the end of his life, acquiring a vast amount of learning of all kinds, which is manifest in everything he wrote, especially in his briefs, which always contained copious Latin and Greek quotations and every evidence of profound cultivation.
Chapter II Personal Characteristics
Much misapprehension exists as to the appearance of Hamilton, some of which is due to the idea that because his birthplace was the West Indies, he presented the physical characteristics of those born under a tropical sun.
He is referred to by various authors as a "Creole," or a "swarthy young West Indian," and most of his biographers picture him as being dark in color, and "having black hair and piercing black eyes." One enthusiastic negro preacher, extolling his virtues as champion of that race during the Revolutionary War, when he favored the enlistment of black soldiers, recently went so far as to suggest, at a public meeting in the city of New York, that Hamilton's veins surely contained African blood. In reality he was fair and had reddish-brown hair, and a specimen before me proves this to have been the case. It has a certain glint which was probably more marked at an earlier period; but even now there is no difficulty in finding that it belonged to a person of the semi-blonde type. His eyes were a deep blue—almost violet—and he undoubtedly presented the physical appearance of his Scotch father rather than his French mother:
His eyes were deep set, his nose long, and of the Roman type, and he had a good chin, the jaw being strong; the mouth firm and moderately large. He is variously referred to by his biographers as "The Little Lion," and "The Little Giant/' but although short of stature, he was not notably so, being about five feet seven inches in height.
Sullivan described him as "under middle size, thin in person, but remarkably erect and dignified in his deportment. His hair was turned back from his forehead, powdered and collected in a club behind. His complexion was exceedingly fair, and varying from this only by the almost feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might be considered, as to figure and color, an uncommonly handsome face. When at rest it had rather a severe, thoughtful expression, but when engaged in conversation it easily assumed an attractive smile. When he entered a room it was apparent, from the respectful attention of the company, that he was a distinguished person."
From the available portraits, which are numerous but are not artistically remarkable, and most of them evidently unreliable, very little impression is to be gained of his figure or how he actually looked, in repose or when animated. Even such a fruitful painter as Trumbull rarely produced the same results in his different pictures; although his portraits are all powerful, yet they have a dramatic quality which is somewhat artificial. One of the most notable gives Hamilton bow-legs, while another in the Governor's Room in the New York City Hall portrays him as a well-shaped and graceful man, of more than medium height. This artist seemed to have had special facility for studying his subject for he was always an intimate and devoted friend and after his death left a large number of personal relics of Hamilton, among them a fowling-piece and other belongings of his early friend, which he had evidently carefully treasured until the end of his life.
At the end of the eighteenth century, itinerant portraits being in vogue, we find all kinds of daubs, and all grades of depicted ugliness in the canvases that have been preserved. Those of Peale are often decidedly unflattering, for he does not seem to have known how to paint the eyes of his subjects, and he has made sad work with Hamilton. There are numerous other portraits, but many of them are said to be those of other persons.
The history of the Hamilton pictures is interesting, but it is often difficult to trace their wanderings. That of Trumbull was painted at the request of Gulian Verplanck and others, who, in the year 1791 requested that it should "typify some act of his public career," but Hamilton deprecated any such advertising in the following words: "I shall cheerfully obey their wish as far as respects the taking of my portrait, but I ask that they will permit it to appear unconnected with any incident of my political life. The simple representation of their fellow-citizen and friend will best accord with my feelings." This is the picture that hangs in the New York Chamber of Commerce, and of which there are several replicas. The best likenesses, however, were evidently those of Sharpless, an English artist who came to Philadelphia about 1796, and made various pictures of prominent people, after the Revolution, many of which are to-day in existence. Most of his portraits were small, but all were very carefully finished, and one of them is the frontispiece of this book. The most notable is the so-called Talleyrand miniature, by reason of the fact that this devoted friend and wily old diplomat was supposed to have purloined the picture while visiting in Philadelphia and taken it to France, later returning a copy in 1805. The picture he took was really a pastel by Sharpless, and upon the 6th of December, 1805, Mrs. Hamilton wrote, asking that it be returned to her, to which she received a reply from Theophile Cazenove, who for many years had been president of the Holland Company and a friend of Talleyrand, with this letter:
Theophile Cazenove to Elizabeth Hamilton
Paris, 10th September, 1805.
My dear and highly esteemed Lady: Your letter of the 6th of December last did not reach me until July, and owing to the absence of M. Talleyrand it was sometime before I received an answer in reply to your request for the picture of the friend we have all lost. Notwithstanding the great value M. Talleyrand sets upon the image of the friend of whom we speak almost daily, your request and the circumstances are of a nature requiring self-sacrifice. The picture being executed in pastel, time and crossing the sea have impaired it, yet the likeness still remains, and on seeing it I fear your tender and afflicted heart will bleed, but tears will assuage these pangs, and my tears will flow with yours. May it bring comfort to the wife of the man whose genius and firmness have probably created the greatest part of the United States, and whose amiable qualities, great good sense, and instruction have been a pleasure to his own friends. Good God—must such a man fall in such a manner! . . . In fear the original picture should not reach you with my present letter, I have ordered a copy of it in oil-painting, which I send by another opportunity, and which I request you will give to my godson in case the original shall reach you; if not to dispose of the copy in the manner you shall wish. . . . M. Talleyrand desires me to tell you of his respect and friendship and the part he has taken in your affliction.
Your obedient servant and friend,
Theophile Cazenove.
