The Wheel of Fortune - Mahatma Gandhi - E-Book

The Wheel of Fortune E-Book

Mahatma Gandhi

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"The Wheel of Fortune" is a captivating exploration of the life and legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, one of the most influential figures of the 20th century. This thought-provoking biography delves into the various facets of Gandhi's journey, revealing the intricacies of his philosophy, activism, and spiritual beliefs. Drawing on extensive research and firsthand accounts, the book traces Gandhi's humble beginnings in India, his experiences in South Africa, and his transformation into a fearless leader of the Indian independence movement. It explores the key events that shaped his ideology of nonviolent resistance, including the Salt March and the Quit India movement, highlighting the profound impact of his teachings on civil rights movements around the world. "The Wheel of Fortune" also delves into Gandhi's personal struggles and moments of self-reflection, shedding light on his complex relationships, including his marriage and his spiritual mentorship under figures like Rabindranath Tagore. The book examines the philosophical underpinnings of Gandhi's principles, such as truth, nonviolence, and self-discipline, and how they informed his quest for social justice and equality. Furthermore, this comprehensive account delves into the challenges faced by Gandhi in his pursuit of independence, including political opposition, internal divisions within the Indian National Congress, and the tragedies of partition. It explores his unwavering commitment to peaceful means of protest and his unwavering resolve in the face of adversity. "The Wheel of Fortune" presents a nuanced and balanced portrayal of Mahatma Gandhi, delving into both his remarkable achievements and his limitations as a leader. It offers readers a deeper understanding of the man behind the iconic image, revealing the complexities of his character and the enduring relevance of his principles in the modern world. Whether one is a history enthusiast, a student of philosophy, or simply curious about the life of this extraordinary individual, "The Wheel of Fortune" provides a rich and engaging account that illuminates the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and his lasting impact on the pursuit of justice and peace.

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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2025

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Mahatma Gandhi

THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE

"The Wheel of Fortune" is a captivating exploration of the life and legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, one of the most influential figures of the 20th century. This thought-provoking biography delves into the various facets of Gandhi's journey, revealing the intricacies of his philosophy, activism, and spiritual beliefs.

Drawing on extensive research and firsthand accounts, the book traces Gandhi's humble beginnings in India, his experiences in South Africa, and his transformation into a fearless leader of the Indian independence movement. It explores the key events that shaped his ideology of nonviolent resistance, including the Salt March and the Quit India movement, highlighting the profound impact of his teachings on civil rights movements around the world.

"The Wheel of Fortune" also delves into Gandhi's personal struggles and moments of self-reflection, shedding light on his complex relationships, including his marriage and his spiritual mentorship under figures like Rabindranath Tagore. The book examines the philosophical underpinnings of Gandhi's principles, such as truth, nonviolence, and self-discipline, and how they informed his quest for social justice and equality.

Furthermore, this comprehensive account delves into the challenges faced by Gandhi in his pursuit of independence, including political opposition, internal divisions within the Indian National Congress, and the tragedies of partition. It explores his unwavering commitment to peaceful means of protest and his unwavering resolve in the face of adversity.

"The Wheel of Fortune" presents a nuanced and balanced portrayal of Mahatma Gandhi, delving into both his remarkable achievements and his limitations as a leader. It offers readers a deeper understanding of the man behind the iconic image, revealing the complexities of his character and the enduring relevance of his principles in the modern world.

Whether one is a history enthusiast, a student of philosophy, or simply curious about the life of this extraordinary individual, "The Wheel of Fortune" provides a rich and engaging account that illuminates the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and his lasting impact on the pursuit of justice and peace.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
DAWN OF A NEW ERA
SWADESHI
BOYCOTT OF GOODS vs. NON-CO-OPERATION PROGRAMME
KHILAFAT AND SWADESHI
THE SECRET OF SWARAJ
SWADESHI
SWADESHI IN THE PUNJAB
SWADESHI STORES
INDIAN ECONOMICS
HOW TO BOYCOTT FOREIGN CLOTH
SPINNING
THE MUSIC OF THE SPINNING WHEEL
"HANDLOOMS OR POWERMILLS?"
HAND-SPINNING AND HAND-WEAVING
HAND-SPINNING AGAIN
A PLEA FOR SPINNING
THE DUTY OF SPINNING
THE DUTY OF SPINNING
THE DOCTRINE OF CHARKA
THE MESSAGE OF THE CHARKA
THE CHARKA IN THE GITA
SPINNING AS FAMINE RELIEF
THE POTENCY OF THE SPINNING-WHEEL
THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE
THE SPINNING WHEEL
APPENDICES
I. A MODEL WEAVING-SCHOOL
SPINNING DEPARTMENT
THE ADVANTAGE OF THE THIN SPINDLE
HAND-LOOMS
WHAT KIND OF LOOM?
SIZING HANDSPUN YARN
II. THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE

Appreciation by DWIJENDRANATH TAGORE

DAWN OF A NEW ERA

Many critics and some friends of Mahatma Gandhi have found fault with his desire to introduce simpler methods of spinning and weaving and to do away with much of the complicated machinery of Modern Civilisation. The reason why they object is that they fear such methods mean not progress towards a higher state but relapse into a primitive condition of civilisation or even of barbarism. His denunciation of the age of machinery and of the Industrial System has been criticised by many as the ravings of a visionary and of one who is merely an impracticable idealist. This is a strange criticism to come from those who give their allegiance to a form of civilisation or 'Culture' which has led to the unprecedented horrors of the late European War and the century-old disgraces of the Industrial System. Is this present modern civilisation so very desirable that we should wish it to continue in perpetuity? Every civilisation in the History of Man has reached a certain point after which there has been one possibility only for it and that was absolute relapse into semi-darkness in order to give place to a new and higher civilisation. The common starting point of all the civilisations is a kind of night-time. In order that the Babylonian (or Despotic) Civilisation might give way to the Roman (or Heroic), and the Roman give way to the Modern (or Intellectual) Civilisation, it was necessary for each in turn to sink completely into this common night-time. Without this entire destruction of the ancient structure, there would have been only a patchwork of the old, and not a harmonious building of the New. As Christ said: "Ye cannot put old wine into new bottles." The debris of the Past has to be cleared away in order to make way for the structure of the Future. Now with regard to Modern Civilisation, all the signs of the times show that it has failed lamentably and is gradually tottering to a dishonoured grave. Why make any attempts to prop up what Nature so evidently has decided to throw on the scrap-heap? Such attempts are contrary to the teaching of past history. But anything, which tends to reach the common roots of all civilisations, should be encouraged. In order that the spiritual civilisation of the Future may have a real chance of growing in an atmosphere congenial to it, Mahatma Gandhi's demonstration of the right path should be welcomed. His emphasis on simplicity of life and on the simplification of the machinery of living must be realised as a supremely essential condition of the coming of the new Era. In the civilisation of the Future, an Era of natural harmonious living will be inaugurated, and artificial, luxurious and pompous living will be entirely rooted out.

Simplicity of life being a condition of spiritual perfection, we may look forward to an Era of Civilisation in the Future, greatly superior to all the civilisations of the Past, if only we accept simplicity of life as the best method of living. The failure and decline of Western or Modern Civilisation need not alarm us; for the experience of History is full of similar declines of once powerful cultures. When Babylonian Civilisation had reached its height, it had to come down to what we may term the zero-point of all civilisation from which Roman Civilisation had made its start. But when Roman Civilisation had reached its zenith, it was much superior to the zenith Civilisation of Babylon, as the zenith Babylonian was superior to the zero-civilisation. And so also of full-fledged Modern Civilisation. We may say that until it returns to the common zero-point, there is no hope of a full and perfect development of a civilisation moulded by spiritual ideals.

Let critics of Mahatma Gandhi then look to History before they condemn him for trying to bring this much belauded Modern Civilisation down to the common starting point of all great civilisations. We are at the dawn of a New Era, and Mahatma Gandhi is the one leader who shows to us the right path. He at least is watering the roots, while all others who try to keep alive the Civilisation of the Western nations are like foolish gardeners who lavish water on the withering leaves of a dying tree and never think of watering its roots.

SWADESHI

THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE

BOYCOTT OF GOODS vs.NON-CO-OPERATION PROGRAMME

Mr. Kasturi Ranga Aiyangar was pleased to answer my argument in favour of the details of the first stage of non-co-operation that I had the honour of explaining at the great Madras Beach meeting. He expressed his dissent from all but the renunciation of titles. He suggested boycott of foreign goods in the place of the other items. Even at the risk of repeating arguments familiar to the readers of "Young India", I must deal with the question of boycott which has now received the imprimatur of so able a publicist as Mr. Kasturi Ranga Aiyangar.

In the first place, boycott of British goods has been conceived as a punishment and can have no place in non-co-operation which is conceived in a spirit of self-sacrifice and is a matter of sacred duty.

Secondly, any measure of punishment must be swift, certain and adequate for the effect intended to be produced. Resorted to by individuals, therefore, boycott is ineffectual, for, it can give no satisfaction unless it is productive of effect, whereas every act of non-co-operation is its own satisfaction.

Thirdly, boycott of British goods is thoroughly unpractical, for, it involves sacrifice of their millions by millionaires. It is in my opinion infinitely more difficult for a merchant to sacrifice his millions than for a lawyer to suspend his practice or for a title-holder to give up his title or for a parent to sacrifice, if need be, the literary instruction of his children. Add to this the important fact that merchants have only lately begun to interest themselves in politics. They are therefore yet timid and cautious. But the class, to which the first stage of non-co-operation is intended to appeal, is the political class which has devoted years to politics and is not mentally unprepared for communal sacrifice.

Boycott of British goods to be effective must be taken up by the whole country at once or not at all. It is like a siege. You can carry out a siege only when you have the requisite men and instruments of destruction. One man scratching a wall with his finger nails may hurt his fingers but will produce no effect upon the walls. One title-holder giving up his title has the supreme satisfaction of having washed his hands clean of the guilt of the donor and is unaffected by the refusal of his fellows to give up theirs. The motive of boycott being punitive lacks the inherent practicability of non-co-operation. The spirit of punishment is a sign of weakness. A strengthening of that spirit will retard the process of regeneration. The spirit of sacrifice is a determination to rid ourselves of our weakness. It is therefore an invigorating and purifying process and is therefore also calculated to do good both to us and to those who evoke the spirit of sacrifice in us. Above all, if India has a mission of her own, she will not fulfil it by copying the doubtful example of the West and making even her sacrifice materialistically utilitarian instead of offering a sacrifice spotless and pleasing even in the sight of God.

KHILAFAT AND SWADESHI

It was not without much misgiving that I consented to include Swadeshi as a plank in non-co-operation. But Maulana Hasrat Mohani by his sheer earnestness bore me down. I fear however that his reasons for including Swadeshi are different from mine. He is a protagonist of boycott of British goods, I cannot reconcile myself to the doctrine as I have explained elsewhere in this issue. But having failed to popularise boycott, Mohani Saheb has accepted Swadeshi as the lesser good. It is however necessary for me to explain how I have come to include Swadeshi in the programme of non-co-operation.

Non-co-operation is nothing but discipline in self-sacrifice. And I believe that a nation that is capable of limitless sacrifice is capable of rising to limitless heights. The purer the sacrifice the quicker the progress. Swadeshi offers every man, woman and child an occasion to make a beginning in self-sacrifice of a pure type. It therefore presents an opportunity for testing our capacity for sacrifice. It is the measure for gauging the depth of national feeling on the Khilafat wrong. Does the nation feel sufficiently to move it to go through even the preliminary process of sacrifice? Will the nation revise its taste for the Japanese silk, the Manchester calico or the French lace and find all its decoration out of hand-spun and hand-woven cloth, i.e., Khadi? If crores of people will refuse to wear or use foreign cloth and be satisfied with the simple cloth that we can produce in our homes, it will be proof of our organising ability, energy, co-operation and self-sacrifice that will enable us to secure all we need. It will be a striking demonstration of national solidarity.

Such a consummation cannot be achieved for the mere wish. It cannot be achieved by one man, no matter how capable and sincere he may be. It cannot be achieved by dotting India with Swadeshi stores. It can only be achieved by new production and judicious distribution. Production means lacs of women spinning in their own homes. This requires earnest men to be engaged in honestly distributing carded cotton and collecting yarn and paying for it. It means manufacture of thousands of spinning wheels. It means inducing the hereditary weavers to return to their noble calling and distributing home-spun yarn amongst them and selling their manufactures. It is thus only as an energising agent that I can think of Swadeshi as a plank in non-co-operation. But it is not to be despised in that capacity. And I hope that every worker for the cause, even if he can do nothing else, will have done something if he can advance Swadeshi first by increasing production and then distribution. He would be simply moving in a circle if he is satisfied with distributing cloth that is already being manufactured in India.

THE SECRET OF SWARAJ

The Congress resolution has rightly emphasised the importance of Swadeshi and the amount of greater sacrifice by merchants.

India cannot be free so long as India voluntarily encourages or tolerates the economic drain which has been going on for the past century and a half. Boycott of foreign goods means no more and no less than boycott of foreign cloth. Foreign cloth constitutes the largest drain voluntarily permitted by us. It means sixty crores of rupees annually paid by us for piece-goods. If India could make a successful effort to stop that drain, she can gain Swaraj by that one act.

India was enslaved for satisfying the greed of the foreign cloth manufacturer. When the East India Company came in, we were able to manufacture all the cloth [pg 009]we needed, and more for export. By processes that need not be described here, India has become practically wholly dependent upon foreign manufacture for her clothing.

But we ought not to be dependent. India has the ability to manufacture all her cloth if her children will work for it. Fortunately India has yet enough weavers to supplement the out-turn of her mills. The mills do not and cannot immediately manufacture all the cloth we want. The reader may not know that, even at the present moment, the weavers weave more cloth than the mills. But the latter weave five crore yards of fine foreign counts, equal to forty crore yards of coarser counts. The way to carry out a successful boycott of foreign cloth is to increase the out-put of yarn. And this can only be done by hand-spinning.

To bring about such a boycott, it is necessary for our merchants to stop all foreign importation, and to sell out, even at a loss, all foreign cloth already stocked in India, preferably to foreign buyers. They must cease to speculate in cotton, and keep all the cotton required for home use. They must stop purchasing all foreign cotton.