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- Herausgeber: DigiCat
- Kategorie: Poesie und Drama
- Sprache: Englisch
In "Ireton, a Poem," Thomas Bailey embarks on a deep exploration of the historical and political nuances surrounding the tumultuous period of the English Civil War. The poem stands out for its rich imagery and emotive language, inviting readers to experience the fervor of revolutionary fervor and the moral complexities faced by its protagonists. Bailey's narrative style is characterized by a blend of lyrical expression and keen philosophical insight, reflecting his engagement with Romantic ideals while threading in historical realism. Thomas Bailey was a poet deeply influenced by the socio-political landscape of his time, as well as by the Romantic movement that sought to reconcile human passion with historical reality. His background in literature and history affords him a unique perspective on the events that shape human experience, particularly in relation to themes of justice and individual agency. This context enriches "Ireton" and underscores the author's dedication to articulating the struggles of his characters through a historically informed lens. Readers of both poetry and history will find "Ireton, a Poem" to be an invaluable addition to their collections, offering a profound interpretation of the human condition during a formative moment in British history. Bailey's masterful command of language and his ability to evoke emotion make this work essential for anyone interested in the interplay of history and poetic expression.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022
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Ireton, a Poem
Table of Contents
PREFACE.
THE following Poem was suggested in an excursion one afternoon to Attenburrow, a village on the banks of the Trent, about five miles south-west of Nottingham, the birthplace of the well known Republican, General Ireton.
If, in the contemplation of the character of that illustrious man, and in the indulgence of feelings excited by a consideration of the great struggle in which he bore so distinguished a part, the author has been led, in the progress of this poem, to animadvert strongly on the state of society as existing in some countries; or to avow sentiments peculiarly favourable to forms of popular government, as opposed to absolute monarchy;—he assures the reader it is not with any wish or intention to weaken the bonds which hold society together, or to excite to discontent or insubordination those classes of the community dependent on labour for their support. His object has been to shew mankind, that their vices and follies are the real cause of their degradation;—that good morals, springing from right principles, form the only sure foundation of civil liberty; and that the men who would found an improvement of the social system, on any other basis than that of an improved moral and intellectual condition of the people, can only enter on a course of fearfully hazardous experiments: rationally hoping for nothing but to reap from the crimes of others, a harvest of contempt and execration as their own portion.
The true patriot is he who aims to elevate the tone of morals among his fellow citizens,—to excite them to a just respect for themselves,—
This was the true spirit of the eminent reformers of the age of Charles the first. They had undertaken the important work of settling the national character and institutions, at a period when men’s minds generally were bent on obtaining an improvement of their social condition—and an extensive toleration of religious opinions: and to accomplish the great benefits their sedate and comprehensive minds contemplated, they strove to induce among all classes, severe and independent habits of thinking and feeling in reference to politics and religion: without which they knew it would be in vain to attempt to abolish the pageantry and frivolity connected with kingly government, that they had begun to despise; or to supersede the heathenish rites and vain ceremonies of outward religion, the reliques of popery, which their souls abhorred; by those spiritual and devout exercises of the mind that themselves practised, and which they conscientiously believed the good of society required, and the laws of God enjoined.[A] Among the patriots no one was more deeply imbued with this sublime spirit, nor partook more largely of the generous enthusiasm it excited, than Henry Ireton, whose inflexible virtue, after the apparent defection of Cromwell, formed the basis on which rested the darling hopes of all the virtuous and enlightened reformers of his day.
[A] Just as the above remarks were going to press, a friend put into the author’s hands, William Godwin’s History of the Commonwealth—a work which he has just cause to regret he had not the good fortune to become acquainted with earlier: as many useful hints and much interesting matter might have been afforded him both for his preface and notes: but he cannot deny himself the pleasure of transcribing the following passage, so ably corroborative of the opinions advanced above, as well as in other parts of the preface to his poem.
“Religion,” says Mr. Godwin, “with them (the patriots) was a serious consideration, a topic which they were disposed to treat with good faith, and in earnest. They were sincere patriots to the best of their judgment, anxious to promote the substantial welfare of their fellow-creatures. They knew that there can be no real liberty, and no good political government, without morality; and they believed that the morality of the various members of the community intimately depended upon their religious creed, and upon the character and conduct of the ministers of the national religion.”
In pursuing the train of thought connected with his subject, the author has been led to touch upon the comparative value of republicanism and monarchy, as conducive in the spirit of their institutions, to advance that perfectibility of the social system which he believes it the duty of every true patriot steadily to pursue. And he could not blink the question so far, (claiming to give an honest opinion) as to refrain from avowing that upon the abstract question of theoretical preference he is decidedly favourable to republicanism; at the same time declaring, unequivocally and unreservedly, that he will yield to no man in a cheerful, cordial, and loyal attachment and obedience to the mixed government under which he lives; identified as it is with the most generous feelings of his countrymen; and calculated, as in his conscience he believes it to be, to promote in a superlative degree the glory and happiness of a people with such habits and dispositions; and above all with such a condition of moral and intellectual attainment, as characterizes the community of Englishmen. Nor will he shrink from avowing, that, individually, he should feel himself necessitated by a sense of duty, unresistingly (as far as relates to the employment of physical means,) to obey any form of government, however despotic, under which he should live, so long as such government had the support and approbation of the decided majority of his fellow citizens. It might be his duty to SUFFER in bearing an honourable testimony against tyrants and tyranny; but at this point, in his individual capacity he must stop;—though acting in concert with the true vox-populi, in resistance to the encroachments of ambitious power, or the exactions of established despotism, he would not stop at any thing short of its certain abridgement or final extinction.
To this spirit in our ancestors we owe the revolutions of 1640 and 1688—as individuals they suffered long and grievously for the sake of conscience, and the rights of man in civil society: but individual suffering became at last so identified with the general feeling of disgust and indignation at the despotism of the government, that its character ceased longer to be that of private suffering, or its remonstrance or resistance the effect of personal consideration: hence a legitimate opposition to authority on that great principle, that the public weal forms the only true measure of political allegiance, was aroused; sanctioning such an appeal to force, as under other circumstances, would have been justly stigmatized as treason and rebellion. And it is worthy of remark, that, principally to these two great events, as regenerating the political constitution of our country, and unfettering the conscience and intellect of man; are owing, under providence, most of those stupendous discoveries in science—and those sublime achievements of philanthropy, which are rapidly changing in our day, the moral aspect of the whole world.
