The Alchemist
The AlchemistINTRODUCTIONTO THE READER.DRAMATIS PERSONAE.ARGUMENT.PROLOGUE.ACT 1. SCENE 1.1.ACT 2. SCENE 2.1.ACT 3. SCENE 3.1.ACT 4. SCENE 4.1.ACT 5. SCENE 5.1.GLOSSARYCopyright
The Alchemist
Ben Jonson
INTRODUCTION
The greatest of English dramatists except Shakespeare, the
first literary dictator and poet-laureate, a writer of verse,
prose, satire, and criticism who most potently of all the men of
his time affected the subsequent course of English letters: such
was Ben Jonson, and as such his strong personality assumes an
interest to us almost unparalleled, at least in his
age.Ben Jonson came of the stock that was centuries after to give
to the world Thomas Carlyle; for Jonson's grandfather was of
Annandale, over the Solway, whence he migrated to England. Jonson's
father lost his estate under Queen Mary, "having been cast into
prison and forfeited." He entered the church, but died a month
before his illustrious son was born, leaving his widow and child in
poverty. Jonson's birthplace was Westminster, and the time of his
birth early in 1573. He was thus nearly ten years Shakespeare's
junior, and less well off, if a trifle better born. But Jonson did
not profit even by this slight advantage. His mother married
beneath her, a wright or bricklayer, and Jonson was for a time
apprenticed to the trade. As a youth he attracted the attention of
the famous antiquary, William Camden, then usher at Westminster
School, and there the poet laid the solid foundations of his
classical learning. Jonson always held Camden in veneration,
acknowledging that to him he owed,"All that I am in arts, all that I know;"and dedicating his first dramatic success, "Every Man in His
Humour," to him. It is doubtful whether Jonson ever went to either
university, though Fuller says that he was "statutably admitted
into St. John's College, Cambridge." He tells us that he took no
degree, but was later "Master of Arts in both the universities, by
their favour, not his study." When a mere youth Jonson enlisted as
a soldier, trailing his pike in Flanders in the protracted wars of
William the Silent against the Spanish. Jonson was a large and
raw-boned lad; he became by his own account in time exceedingly
bulky. In chat with his friend William Drummond of Hawthornden,
Jonson told how "in his service in the Low Countries he had, in the
face of both the camps, killed an enemy, and taken opima spolia
from him;" and how "since his coming to England, being appealed to
the fields, he had killed his adversary which had hurt him in the
arm and whose sword was ten inches longer than his." Jonson's reach
may have made up for the lack of his sword; certainly his prowess
lost nothing in the telling. Obviously Jonson was brave, combative,
and not averse to talking of himself and his doings.In 1592, Jonson returned from abroad penniless. Soon after he
married, almost as early and quite as imprudently as Shakespeare.
He told Drummond curtly that "his wife was a shrew, yet honest";
for some years he lived apart from her in the household of Lord
Albany. Yet two touching epitaphs among Jonson's "Epigrams," "On my
first daughter," and "On my first son," attest the warmth of the
poet's family affections. The daughter died in infancy, the son of
the plague; another son grew up to manhood little credit to his
father whom he survived. We know nothing beyond this of Jonson's
domestic life.How soon Jonson drifted into what we now call grandly "the
theatrical profession" we do not know. In 1593, Marlowe made his
tragic exit from life, and Greene, Shakespeare's other rival on the
popular stage, had preceded Marlowe in an equally miserable death
the year before. Shakespeare already had the running to himself.
Jonson appears first in the employment of Philip Henslowe, the
exploiter of several troupes of players, manager, and father-in-law
of the famous actor, Edward Alleyn. From entries in "Henslowe's
Diary," a species of theatrical account book which has been handed
down to us, we know that Jonson was connected with the Admiral's
men; for he borrowed 4 pounds of Henslowe, July 28, 1597, paying
back 3s. 9d. on the same day on account of his "share" (in what is
not altogether clear); while later, on December 3, of the same
year, Henslowe advanced 20s. to him "upon a book which he showed
the plot unto the company which he promised to deliver unto the
company at Christmas next." In the next August Jonson was in
collaboration with Chettle and Porter in a play called "Hot Anger
Soon Cold." All this points to an association with Henslowe of some
duration, as no mere tyro would be thus paid in advance upon mere
promise. From allusions in Dekker's play, "Satiromastix," it
appears that Jonson, like Shakespeare, began life as an actor, and
that he "ambled in a leather pitch by a play-wagon" taking at one
time the part of Hieronimo in Kyd's famous play, "The Spanish
Tragedy." By the beginning of 1598, Jonson, though still in needy
circumstances, had begun to receive recognition. Francis Meres—well
known for his "Comparative Discourse of our English Poets with the
Greek, Latin, and Italian Poets," printed in 1598, and for his
mention therein of a dozen plays of Shakespeare by title—accords to
Ben Jonson a place as one of "our best in tragedy," a matter of
some surprise, as no known tragedy of Jonson from so early a date
has come down to us. That Jonson was at work on tragedy, however,
is proved by the entries in Henslowe of at least three tragedies,
now lost, in which he had a hand. These are "Page of Plymouth,"
"King Robert II. of Scotland," and "Richard Crookback." But all of
these came later, on his return to Henslowe, and range from August
1599 to June 1602.Returning to the autumn of 1598, an event now happened to
sever for a time Jonson's relations with Henslowe. In a letter to
Alleyn, dated September 26 of that year, Henslowe writes: "I have
lost one of my company that hurteth me greatly; that is Gabriel
[Spencer], for he is slain in Hogsden fields by the hands of
Benjamin Jonson, bricklayer." The last word is perhaps Henslowe's
thrust at Jonson in his displeasure rather than a designation of
his actual continuance at his trade up to this time. It is fair to
Jonson to remark however, that his adversary appears to have been a
notorious fire-eater who had shortly before killed one Feeke in a
similar squabble. Duelling was a frequent occurrence of the time
among gentlemen and the nobility; it was an impudent breach of the
peace on the part of a player. This duel is the one which Jonson
described years after to Drummond, and for it Jonson was duly
arraigned at Old Bailey, tried, and convicted. He was sent to
prison and such goods and chattels as he had "were forfeited." It
is a thought to give one pause that, but for the ancient law
permitting convicted felons to plead, as it was called, the benefit
of clergy, Jonson might have been hanged for this deed. The
circumstance that the poet could read and write saved him; and he
received only a brand of the letter "T," for Tyburn, on his left
thumb. While in jail Jonson became a Roman Catholic; but he
returned to the faith of the Church of England a dozen years
later.On his release, in disgrace with Henslowe and his former
associates, Jonson offered his services as a playwright to
Henslowe's rivals, the Lord Chamberlain's company, in which
Shakespeare was a prominent shareholder. A tradition of long
standing, though not susceptible of proof in a court of law,
narrates that Jonson had submitted the manuscript of "Every Man in
His Humour" to the Chamberlain's men and had received from the
company a refusal; that Shakespeare called him back, read the play
himself, and at once accepted it. Whether this story is true or
not, certain it is that "Every Man in His Humour" was accepted by
Shakespeare's company and acted for the first time in 1598, with
Shakespeare taking a part. The evidence of this is contained in the
list of actors prefixed to the comedy in the folio of Jonson's
works, 1616. But it is a mistake to infer, because Shakespeare's
name stands first in the list of actors and the elder Kno'well
first in the dramatis personae, that Shakespeare took that
particular part. The order of a list of Elizabethan players was
generally that of their importance or priority as shareholders in
the company and seldom if ever corresponded to the list of
characters."Every Man in His Humour" was an immediate success, and with
it Jonson's reputation as one of the leading dramatists of his time
was established once and for all. This could have been by no means
Jonson's earliest comedy, and we have just learned that he was
already reputed one of "our best in tragedy." Indeed, one of
Jonson's extant comedies, "The Case is Altered," but one never
claimed by him or published as his, must certainly have preceded
"Every Man in His Humour" on the stage. The former play may be
described as a comedy modelled on the Latin plays of Plautus. (It
combines, in fact, situations derived from the "Captivi" and the
"Aulularia" of that dramatist). But the pretty story of the
beggar-maiden, Rachel, and her suitors, Jonson found, not among the
classics, but in the ideals of romantic love which Shakespeare had
already popularised on the stage. Jonson never again produced so
fresh and lovable a feminine personage as Rachel, although in other
respects "The Case is Altered" is not a conspicuous play, and, save
for the satirising of Antony Munday in the person of Antonio
Balladino and Gabriel Harvey as well, is perhaps the least
characteristic of the comedies of Jonson."Every Man in His Humour," probably first acted late in the
summer of 1598 and at the Curtain, is commonly regarded as an
epoch-making play; and this view is not unjustified. As to plot, it
tells little more than how an intercepted letter enabled a father
to follow his supposedly studious son to London, and there observe
his life with the gallants of the time. The real quality of this
comedy is in its personages and in the theory upon which they are
conceived. Ben Jonson had theories about poetry and the drama, and
he was neither chary in talking of them nor in experimenting with
them in his plays. This makes Jonson, like Dryden in his time, and
Wordsworth much later, an author to reckon with; particularly when
we remember that many of Jonson's notions came for a time
definitely to prevail and to modify the whole trend of English
poetry. First of all Jonson was a classicist, that is, he believed
in restraint and precedent in art in opposition to the prevalent
ungoverned and irresponsible Renaissance spirit. Jonson believed
that there was a professional way of doing things which might be
reached by a study of the best examples, and he found these
examples for the most part among the ancients. To confine our
attention to the drama, Jonson objected to the amateurishness and
haphazard nature of many contemporary plays, and set himself to do
something different; and the first and most striking thing that he
evolved was his conception and practice of the comedy of
humours.As Jonson has been much misrepresented in this matter, let us
quote his own words as to "humour." A humour, according to Jonson,
was a bias of disposition, a warp, so to speak, in character by
which"Some one peculiar quality Doth so possess a man, that it doth
draw All his affects, his spirits, and his
powers, In their confluctions, all to run one
way."But continuing, Jonson is careful to add:"But that a rook by wearing a pied
feather, The cable hat-band, or the three-piled
ruff, A yard of shoe-tie, or the Switzers
knot On his French garters, should affect a
humour! O, it is more than most
ridiculous."Jonson's comedy of humours, in a word, conceived of stage
personages on the basis of a ruling trait or passion (a notable
simplification of actual life be it observed in passing); and,
placing these typified traits in juxtaposition in their conflict
and contrast, struck the spark of comedy. Downright, as his name
indicates, is "a plain squire"; Bobadill's humour is that of the
braggart who is incidentally, and with delightfully comic effect, a
coward; Brainworm's humour is the finding out of things to the end
of fooling everybody: of course he is fooled in the end himself.
But it was not Jonson's theories alone that made the success of
"Every Man in His Humour." The play is admirably written and each
character is vividly conceived, and with a firm touch based on
observation of the men of the London of the day. Jonson was neither
in this, his first great comedy (nor in any other play that he
wrote), a supine classicist, urging that English drama return to a
slavish adherence to classical conditions. He says as to the laws
of the old comedy (meaning by "laws," such matters as the unities
of time and place and the use of chorus): "I see not then, but we
should enjoy the same licence, or free power to illustrate and
heighten our invention as they [the ancients] did; and not be tied
to those strict and regular forms which the niceness of a few, who
are nothing but form, would thrust upon us." "Every Man in His
Humour" is written in prose, a novel practice which Jonson had of
his predecessor in comedy, John Lyly. Even the word "humour" seems
to have been employed in the Jonsonian sense by Chapman before
Jonson's use of it. Indeed, the comedy of humours itself is only a
heightened variety of the comedy of manners which represents life,
viewed at a satirical angle, and is the oldest and most persistent
species of comedy in the language. None the less, Jonson's comedy
merited its immediate success and marked out a definite course in
which comedy long continued to run. To mention only Shakespeare's
Falstaff and his rout, Bardolph, Pistol, Dame Quickly, and the
rest, whether in "Henry IV." or in "The Merry Wives of Windsor,"
all are conceived in the spirit of humours. So are the captains,
Welsh, Scotch, and Irish of "Henry V.," and Malvolio especially
later; though Shakespeare never employed the method of humours for
an important personage. It was not Jonson's fault that many of his
successors did precisely the thing that he had reprobated, that is,
degrade "the humour" into an oddity of speech, an eccentricity of
manner, of dress, or cut of beard. There was an anonymous play
called "Every Woman in Her Humour." Chapman wrote "A Humourous
Day's Mirth," Day, "Humour Out of Breath," Fletcher later, "The
Humourous Lieutenant," and Jonson, besides "Every Man Out of His
Humour," returned to the title in closing the cycle of his comedies
in "The Magnetic Lady or Humours Reconciled."With the performance of "Every Man Out of His Humour" in
1599, by Shakespeare's company once more at the Globe, we turn a
new page in Jonson's career. Despite his many real virtues, if
there is one feature more than any other that distinguishes Jonson,
it is his arrogance; and to this may be added his
self-righteousness, especially under criticism or satire. "Every
Man Out of His Humour" is the first of three "comical satires"
which Jonson contributed to what Dekker called the poetomachia or
war of the theatres as recent critics have named it. This play as a
fabric of plot is a very slight affair; but as a satirical picture
of the manners of the time, proceeding by means of vivid
caricature, couched in witty and brilliant dialogue and sustained
by that righteous indignation which must lie at the heart of all
true satire—as a realisation, in short, of the classical ideal of
comedy—there had been nothing like Jonson's comedy since the days
of Aristophanes. "Every Man in His Humour," like the two plays that
follow it, contains two kinds of attack, the critical or generally
satiric, levelled at abuses and corruptions in the abstract; and
the personal, in which specific application is made of all this in
the lampooning of poets and others, Jonson's contemporaries. The
method of personal attack by actual caricature of a person on the
stage is almost as old as the drama. Aristophanes so lampooned
Euripides in "The Acharnians" and Socrates in "The Clouds," to
mention no other examples; and in English drama this kind of thing
is alluded to again and again. What Jonson really did, was to raise
the dramatic lampoon to an art, and make out of a casual burlesque
and bit of mimicry a dramatic satire of literary pretensions and
permanency. With the arrogant attitude mentioned above and his
uncommon eloquence in scorn, vituperation, and invective, it is no
wonder that Jonson soon involved himself in literary and even
personal quarrels with his fellow-authors. The circumstances of the
origin of this 'poetomachia' are far from clear, and those who have
written on the topic, except of late, have not helped to make them
clearer. The origin of the "war" has been referred to satirical
references, apparently to Jonson, contained in "The Scourge of
Villainy," a satire in regular form after the manner of the
ancients by John Marston, a fellow playwright, subsequent friend
and collaborator of Jonson's. On the other hand, epigrams of Jonson
have been discovered (49, 68, and 100) variously charging
"playwright" (reasonably identified with Marston) with scurrility,
cowardice, and plagiarism; though the dates of the epigrams cannot
be ascertained with certainty. Jonson's own statement of the matter
to Drummond runs: "He had many quarrels with Marston, beat him, and
took his pistol from him, wrote his 'Poetaster' on him; the
beginning[s] of them were that Marston represented him on the
stage."** The best account of this whole
subject is to be found in the edition of "Poetaster"
and "Satiromastrix" by J. H. Penniman in "Belles Lettres
Series" shortly to appear. See also his earlier work, "The War
of the Theatres," 1892, and the excellent contributions to
the subject by H. C. Hart in "Notes and Queries," and in his
edition of Jonson, 1906.Here at least we are on certain ground; and the principals of
the quarrel are known. "Histriomastix," a play revised by Marston
in 1598, has been regarded as the one in which Jonson was thus
"represented on the stage"; although the personage in question,
Chrisogonus, a poet, satirist, and translator, poor but proud, and
contemptuous of the common herd, seems rather a complimentary
portrait of Jonson than a caricature. As to the personages actually
ridiculed in "Every Man Out of His Humour," Carlo Buffone was
formerly thought certainly to be Marston, as he was described as "a
public, scurrilous, and profane jester," and elsewhere as "the
grand scourge or second untruss [that is, satirist], of the time."
(Joseph Hall being by his own boast the first, and Marston's work
being entitled "The Scourge of Villainy"). Apparently we must now
prefer for Carlo a notorious character named Charles Chester, of
whom gossipy and inaccurate Aubrey relates that he was "a bold
impertinent fellow...a perpetual talker and made a noise like a
drum in a room. So one time at a tavern Sir Walter Raleigh beats
him and seals up his mouth (that is his upper and nether beard)
with hard wax. From him Ben Jonson takes his Carlo Buffone ['i.e.',
jester] in "Every Man in His Humour" ['sic']." Is it conceivable
that after all Jonson was ridiculing Marston, and that the point of
the satire consisted in an intentional confusion of "the grand
scourge or second untruss" with "the scurrilous and profane"
Chester?We have digressed into detail in this particular case to
exemplify the difficulties of criticism in its attempts to identify
the allusions in these forgotten quarrels. We are on sounder ground
of fact in recording other manifestations of Jonson's enmity. In
"The Case is Altered" there is clear ridicule in the character
Antonio Balladino of Anthony Munday, pageant-poet of the city,
translator of romances and playwright as well. In "Every Man in His
Humour" there is certainly a caricature of Samuel Daniel, accepted
poet of the court, sonneteer, and companion of men of fashion.
These men held recognised positions to which Jonson felt his
talents better entitled him; they were hence to him his natural
enemies. It seems almost certain that he pursued both in the
personages of his satire through "Every Man Out of His Humour," and
"Cynthia's Revels," Daniel under the characters Fastidious Brisk
and Hedon, Munday as Puntarvolo and Amorphus; but in these last we
venture on quagmire once more. Jonson's literary rivalry of Daniel
is traceable again and again, in the entertainments that welcomed
King James on his way to London, in the masques at court, and in
the pastoral drama. As to Jonson's personal ambitions with respect
to these two men, it is notable that he became, not pageant-poet,
but chronologer to the City of London; and that, on the accession
of the new king, he came soon to triumph over Daniel as the
accepted entertainer of royalty."Cynthia's Revels," the second "comical satire," was acted in
1600, and, as a play, is even more lengthy, elaborate, and
impossible than "Every Man Out of His Humour." Here personal satire
seems to have absorbed everything, and while much of the caricature
is admirable, especially in the detail of witty and trenchantly
satirical dialogue, the central idea of a fountain of self-love is
not very well carried out, and the persons revert at times to
abstractions, the action to allegory. It adds to our wonder that
this difficult drama should have been acted by the Children of
Queen Elizabeth's Chapel, among them Nathaniel Field with whom
Jonson read Horace and Martial, and whom he taught later how to
make plays. Another of these precocious little actors was Salathiel
Pavy, who died before he was thirteen, already famed for taking the
parts of old men. Him Jonson immortalised in one of the sweetest of
his epitaphs. An interesting sidelight is this on the character of
this redoubtable and rugged satirist, that he should thus have
befriended and tenderly remembered these little theatrical waifs,
some of whom (as we know) had been literally kidnapped to be
pressed into the service of the theatre and whipped to the conning
of their difficult parts. To the caricature of Daniel and Munday in
"Cynthia's Revels" must be added Anaides (impudence), here
assuredly Marston, and Asotus (the prodigal), interpreted as Lodge
or, more perilously, Raleigh. Crites, like Asper-Macilente in
"Every Man Out of His Humour," is Jonson's self-complaisant
portrait of himself, the just, wholly admirable, and judicious
scholar, holding his head high above the pack of the yelping curs
of envy and detraction, but careless of their puny attacks on his
perfections with only too mindful a neglect.The third and last of the "comical satires" is "Poetaster,"
acted, once more, by the Children of the Chapel in 1601, and
Jonson's only avowed contribution to the fray. According to the
author's own account, this play was written in fifteen weeks on a
report that his enemies had entrusted to Dekker the preparation of
"Satiromastix, the Untrussing of the Humorous Poet," a dramatic
attack upon himself. In this attempt to forestall his enemies
Jonson succeeded, and "Poetaster" was an immediate and deserved
success. While hardly more closely knit in structure than its
earlier companion pieces, "Poetaster" is planned to lead up to the
ludicrous final scene in which, after a device borrowed from the
"Lexiphanes" of Lucian, the offending poetaster, Marston-Crispinus,
is made to throw up the difficult words with which he had
overburdened his stomach as well as overlarded his vocabulary. In
the end Crispinus with his fellow, Dekker-Demetrius, is bound over
to keep the peace and never thenceforward "malign, traduce, or
detract the person or writings of Quintus Horatius Flaccus [Jonson]
or any other eminent man transcending you in merit." One of the
most diverting personages in Jonson's comedy is Captain Tucca. "His
peculiarity" has been well described by Ward as "a buoyant
blackguardism which recovers itself instantaneously from the most
complete exposure, and a picturesqueness of speech like that of a
walking dictionary of slang."It was this character, Captain Tucca, that Dekker hit upon in
his reply, "Satiromastix," and he amplified him, turning his
abusive vocabulary back upon Jonson and adding "an immodesty to his
dialogue that did not enter into Jonson's conception." It has been
held, altogether plausibly, that when Dekker was engaged
professionally, so to speak, to write a dramatic reply to Jonson,
he was at work on a species of chronicle history, dealing with the
story of Walter Terill in the reign of William Rufus. This he
hurriedly adapted to include the satirical characters suggested by
"Poetaster," and fashioned to convey the satire of his reply. The
absurdity of placing Horace in the court of a Norman king is the
result. But Dekker's play is not without its palpable hits at the
arrogance, the literary pride, and self-righteousness of
Jonson-Horace, whose "ningle" or pal, the absurd Asinius Bubo, has
recently been shown to figure forth, in all likelihood, Jonson's
friend, the poet Drayton. Slight and hastily adapted as is
"Satiromastix," especially in a comparison with the better wrought
and more significant satire of "Poetaster," the town awarded the
palm to Dekker, not to Jonson; and Jonson gave over in consequence
his practice of "comical satire." Though Jonson was cited to appear
before the Lord Chief Justice to answer certain charges to the
effect that he had attacked lawyers and soldiers in "Poetaster,"
nothing came of this complaint. It may be suspected that much of
this furious clatter and give-and-take was pure playing to the
gallery. The town was agog with the strife, and on no less an
authority than Shakespeare ("Hamlet," ii. 2), we learn that the
children's company (acting the plays of Jonson) did "so berattle
the common stages...that many, wearing rapiers, are afraid of
goose-quills, and dare scarce come thither."Several other plays have been thought to bear a greater or
less part in the war of the theatres. Among them the most important
is a college play, entitled "The Return from Parnassus," dating
1601-02. In it a much-quoted passage makes Burbage, as a character,
declare: "Why here's our fellow Shakespeare puts them all down; aye
and Ben Jonson, too. O that Ben Jonson is a pestilent fellow; he
brought up Horace, giving the poets a pill, but our fellow
Shakespeare hath given him a purge that made him bewray his
credit." Was Shakespeare then concerned in this war of the stages?
And what could have been the nature of this "purge"? Among several
suggestions, "Troilus and Cressida" has been thought by some to be
the play in which Shakespeare thus "put down" his friend, Jonson. A
wiser interpretation finds the "purge" in "Satiromastix," which,
though not written by Shakespeare, was staged by his company, and
therefore with his approval and under his direction as one of the
leaders of that company.The last years of the reign of Elizabeth thus saw Jonson
recognised as a dramatist second only to Shakespeare, and not
second even to him as a dramatic satirist. But Jonson now turned
his talents to new fields. Plays on subjects derived from classical
story and myth had held the stage from the beginning of the drama,
so that Shakespeare was making no new departure when he wrote his
"Julius Caesar" about 1600. Therefore when Jonson staged "Sejanus,"
three years later and with Shakespeare's company once more, he was
only following in the elder dramatist's footsteps. But Jonson's
idea of a play on classical history, on the one hand, and
Shakespeare's and the elder popular dramatists, on the other, were
very different. Heywood some years before had put five straggling
plays on the stage in quick succession, all derived from stories in
Ovid and dramatised with little taste or discrimination.
Shakespeare had a finer conception of form, but even he was
contented to take all his ancient history from North's translation
of Plutarch and dramatise his subject without further inquiry.
Jonson was a scholar and a classical antiquarian. He reprobated
this slipshod amateurishness, and wrote his "Sejanus" like a
scholar, reading Tacitus, Suetonius, and other authorities, to be
certain of his facts, his setting, and his atmosphere, and somewhat
pedantically noting his authorities in the margin when he came to
print. "Sejanus" is a tragedy of genuine dramatic power in which is
told with discriminating taste the story of the haughty favourite
of Tiberius with his tragical overthrow. Our drama presents no
truer nor more painstaking representation of ancient Roman life
than may be found in Jonson's "Sejanus" and "Catiline his
Conspiracy," which followed in 1611. A passage in the address of
the former play to the reader, in which Jonson refers to a
collaboration in an earlier version, has led to the surmise that
Shakespeare may have been that "worthier pen." There is no evidence
to determine the matter.In 1605, we find Jonson in active collaboration with Chapman
and Marston in the admirable comedy of London life entitled
"Eastward Hoe." In the previous year, Marston had dedicated his
"Malcontent," in terms of fervid admiration, to Jonson; so that the
wounds of the war of the theatres must have been long since healed.
Between Jonson and Chapman there was the kinship of similar
scholarly ideals. The two continued friends throughout life.
"Eastward Hoe" achieved the extraordinary popularity represented in
a demand for three issues in one year. But this was not due
entirely to the merits of the play. In its earliest version a
passage which an irritable courtier conceived to be derogatory to
his nation, the Scots, sent both Chapman and Jonson to jail; but
the matter was soon patched up, for by this time Jonson had
influence at court.