The Soul of Man under Socialism E-Book

Oscar Wilde

• Herausgeber: Elsinor Verlag
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2021

Seitenzahl: 132

Beschreibung

When "The Soul of Man Under Socialism" first saw the light of day in 1891, this, the only explicitly political essay by Oscar Wilde, was hardly noticed, for he published four books in that year alone. It did not trigger a scandal, even though it is devoted to the scandal of man exploiting man at such length and in such a knowledgeable way that it is topical even today. Having seen this scandal with his own eyes in the United Kingdom and Ireland as well as in the United States and France, Wilde formulated insights nowadays brought forward by thinkers and historians of globalisation. His English is brilliant as ever and provocative, also it is informed by his profound reflections on socialism and individualism in the context of Christianity.

Leseprobe

Oscar Wilde

The Soul of Man under Socialism

LondonArthur Humphreys1900Second Impression

Edited and annotated with a preface byJörg W. Rademacherand a postface byMichael Szczekalla

CONTENTS

Preface (Jörg W. Rademacher)

The Soul of Man under Socialism

Aphorisms about Literature

Bibliography

Notes

Acknowledgements

Postface: Oscar Wilde, “The Soul of Man under Socialism” (Michael Szczekalla)

Bibliography

Notes

Index of Names and of Terms

Brief Life of Oscar Wilde

PREFACE

“While […] Wilde […] in terms of the subject of [“The Soul of Man under Socialism”] remains the ‘enfant de mon siècle’, as he writes in ‘De Profundis’, his essay in terms of intellectual and linguistic precision exceeds any other vision of the future developed by writers of his own time.”1

This is only one mode of pointing out the dialectics of personal and political orientation inherent in “The Soul of Man under Socialism”. There are personal & literary, political & historical approaches as well as those touching on philosophy and the history of ideas. The latter are shown by Michael Szczekalla in the postface. The former are represented in the preface and in the annotations to the text.2 In one of his maxims, published posthumously, Johann Wolfgang Goethe had written: “Any great idea entering the world as a gospel becomes an annoyance for the faltering pedantic people, and for the much-cultivated man who had all too easily been cultivated it becomes a folly.”3 Speaking retrospectively, Goethe would have needed only very few words to point out all the glamour and misery of a doctrine like socialism.

All the glamour and misery of Oscar Wilde are not only but also summed up in the first five months of 1895 when he rose to the summit of his literary fame as author of two comedies premiered in January/February before experiencing his fall from grace to become a pariah in the court of law from March through May the same year.

This tragedy, however, is rooted in the events of 1891. Whoever seeks orientation in the life and works of Oscar Wilde is well advised to consider the four books published in that twelve-month:4

in April, it was The Picture of Dorian Gray in book form and consisting of twenty chapters, revised, enlarged, and subjected to self-censorship by Wilde after Lippincott’s Monthly Magazine, based in America, had issued the novel containing thirteen chapters in June 1890;

in May, it was Intentions, a volume with four literary essays;

in July, it was Lord Arthur Savile’s Crime and other Stories;

and in November, it was The House of Pomegranates.

The last two volumes included stories or tales that, like the theoretical essays, had earlier been published in magazines. In 1891, it seems, that Wilde established himself as a writer of books.

In fact, this refers to his name as a kind of brand in the book market of the day rather than to any financial rewards. As it happens, Wilde still needed other sources of income such as fees earned for publishing in magazines and, more importantly, royalties resulting from the performances of his plays which he, however, would not receive until after his comedy of manners Lady Windermere’s Fan had had its first night in 1892.

It is in such a magazine, The Fortnightly Review (1865-1934), that is, edited by Frank Harris (1856-1931), a friend and later biographer of Wilde’s, that two seminal texts are published in February/March 1891: the second being what soon became the “Preface” to The Picture of Dorian Gray in book form, consisting only of aphorisms, and which winds up this volume. Before that, however, an essay had been issued with the suggestive title “The Soul of Man under Socialism”.5 This essay also includes many an aphorism, showing that Wilde, who was a conversationalist and causeur, sought to strive for and keep a reputation as a professional word-smith in writing as well. Yet just as when a student in Dublin and Oxford where he polished his image of a socialite, he did not want it to be publicly known in London for how long and how assiduously he was wont to polish his works.

Without doubt, such a description applies to this, the only essay Wilde wrote with a direct political appeal. Writing this preface in English after publishing a new translation of the essay into German, I can profit from the experience of having had to polish my German version in the context of a bilingual calendar for the year 2018. Ulrich Hoepfner, whose collage work accompanied a selection of aphorisms from the essay, by the very choice of some short texts obliged me to return to the already completed translation of the essay and replace certain passages by a version arrived at by working in the context of collage and text.

This is how I was able to experience another look over Wilde’s shoulder. This feat, with regard to a work like The Picture of Dorian Gray, can be experienced directly by looking at manuscript and typescript, something which quite a few editors have been able to point out: Indeed, Wilde was right in admitting that writing caused him pain. This can minutely be proved by looking at papers preserved of his creation process. In their absence, the pains undergone by the translator to create a German text of almost the same length as the original but also preserving the rhythm of the latter are more than just an indication of what kind of exertion was Wilde’s own.

This insight is all the more important for the simple reason that “The Soul of Man under Socialism” is all but a historical relic from the 19th century begging to be revived in the 21st century. On the contrary, the text is unparalleled in terms of its topicality – both with regard to the culture it came from – the United Kingdom faced with hardly predictable sociopolitical changes both then and now6 – and with regard to the culture the essay was translated for and whose background also informs the text of this preface in English – Germany which in economic and political terms seems as much in danger now as it was in Oscar Wilde’s lifetime.

In the Second German Empire that lasted from 1871 through 1918 when the Kaiser abdicated only two days before the Armistice, Wilde’s writings enjoyed a surprisingly lively reception immediately after he had been sentenced and banned in the United Kingdom as well as after his death in 1900. This seems all the more astonishing since he was so diversely received in a country where homosexuality was and would remain a crime for many decades to come even after the legislators of German Bundestag had taken off the edge of Paragraph 175 of the Criminal Law Code, at long last abolished as late as in 1994.7

Since Oscar Wilde had a great public presence in the United States, too, he was used to looking across the Atlantic with one eye. This allows us today, schooled as we are by Wilde’s sharp eye, to perceive how well he had grasped and described the situation in America. In his lifetime, this essay did not at first provoke any public reactions, and when it was privately published and “not for sale” (“hors commerce”) in book form on 30th May 1895, only five days, that is, after Wilde had been sentenced to two years in gaol with hard labour, it was entitled The Soul of Man only to be re-issued complete with a preface by Robert Ross, Wilde’s friend and literary executor, in the edition of 1912.8

In the 19th century, Wilde remained a voice crying in the wilderness, and as such he also turned out to be a prophet of his own disaster. In the digital age, thinking wisely in analogies with the help of an imagination à la Oscar Wilde might help to avoid similar political fallacies as round about a hundred years ago.9

Of course, I am thinking in terms of Wilde as an individual who failed utterly when confronted with the Victorian state and code of law as well as its hypocritical set of morals. As an Irishman, he incarnated the struggle his home country had to face in the conflict with the United Kingdom until independence came along with partition in 1921 after winning the First World War had not resulted in Britain honouring the promise of Home Rule given when Irish soldiers were still needed to fight the German Empire.

With the British Empire still a reality, its leaders only reacted when a stalemate in the War of Independence had been reached. This failure to go for compromise was to be repeated in the history of the Troubles from 1969 through 1998 after the Second World War had started the decolonization process and the dismantling of the Empire. Again, Ireland, and rightly this time, hoped for a solution brokered internationally. It was the US, the UK as well as the EU that helped the Good Friday Agreement turn Northern Ireland into a more peaceful province.

So when the UK called a Brexit Referendum and sought to deliver on the people’s vote in 2016, again without considering compromise either at home or abroad, politicians seemed to have forgotten the part the UK had been playing in the EU since 1973 – that of the “enfant terrible”, that is.

It is since the second semester of 2016 at the very latest that the Irish know why they once joined the EU. Facing twenty-six other European states united behind the Republic of Ireland, British politicians should have learned by now that this situation is highly symbolic of what is going to happen sooner or later: the twenty-six counties of Ireland will one day be re-united!10

Eighteen months after this preface was first translated into English before being both revised, enlarged, and brought up to date, nobody could have foreseen that Wilde’s observations about Victorian society and public health might very soon be applied to the world at large and that at the very end of the transition period leading the UK out of the EU both the pandemic, the negotiations about a free trade treaty between the EU and the UK, and the Irish question would become almost inextricably entangled issues which only people able to look at life with some intellectual distance might have a chance to disentangle. Where, however, are such people to be found? The treaty resulting from many months of negotiations, however, suggests that whoever won the Brexit referendum, a moment thought to have revived a glorious past, that is, may well have lost the future.

Reading and re-reading this essay with a look to bringing this edition up to date has also helped to see how acutely Oscar Wilde was aware of cultural and cross-cultural movements, for he not only refers to Britain and the United States on the one hand, he also refers to France on the other hand, while pointing out developments of society and the arts relating to the Middle Ages as well as to the Renaissance period in the context of reflections on the culture of his own time.

Jörg W. Rademacher, Leer, East FrisiaJune 2019 – revised, added to, December 2020

“Art is the most intense mode of Individualism that the world has known.” (p. 38)

The Soul of Man under Socialism

The chief advantage that would result from the establishment of Socialism is, undoubtedly, the fact that Socialism would relieve us from that sordid necessity of living for others which, in the present condition of things, presses so hardly upon almost everybody. In fact, scarcely anyone at all escapes.

Now and then, in the course of the century, a great man of science, like Darwin1; a great poet, like Keats2; a fine critical spirit, like M. Renan3; a supreme artist, like Flaubert4, has been able to isolate himself, to keep himself out of reach of the clamorous claims of others, to stand ‘under the shelter of the wall,’ as Plato5 puts it, and so to realise the perfection of what was in him, to his own incomparable gain, and to the incomparable and lasting gain of the whole world. These, however, are exceptions. The majority of people spoil their lives by an unhealthy and exaggerated altruism – are forced, indeed, so to spoil them. They find themselves surrounded by hideous poverty, by hideous ugliness, by hideous starvation. It is inevitable that they should be strongly moved by all this. The emotions of man are stirred more quickly than man’s intelligence; and, as I pointed out some time ago in an article on the function of criticism, it is much more easy to have sympathy with suffering than it is to have sympathy with thought.6 Accordingly, with admirable, though misdirected intentions, they very seriously and very sentimentally set themselves to the task of remedying the evils that they see. But their remedies do not cure the disease: they merely prolong it. Indeed, their remedies are part of the disease.

They try to solve the problem of poverty, for instance, by keeping the poor alive; or, in the case of a very advanced school, by amusing the poor.

But this is not a solution: it is an aggravation of the difficulty. The proper aim is to try and reconstruct society on such a basis that poverty will be impossible. And the altruistic virtues have really prevented the carrying out of this aim. Just as the worst slave-owners were those who were kind to their slaves, and so prevented the horror of the system being realised by those who suffered from it, and understood by those who contemplated it, so, in the present state of things in England, the people who do most harm are the people who try to do most good; and at last we have had the spectacle of men who have really studied the problem and know the life – educated men who live in the East End7 – coming forward and imploring the community to restrain its altruistic impulses of charity, benevolence, and the like. They do so on the ground that such charity degrades and demoralises. They are perfectly right. Charity creates a multitude of sins.

There is also this to be said. It is immoral to use private property in order to alleviate the horrible evils that result from the institution of private property. It is both immoral and unfair.

Under Socialism all this will, of course, be altered. There will be no people living in fetid dens and fetid rags, and bringing up unhealthy, hunger-pinched children in the midst of impossible and absolutely repulsive surroundings. The security of society will not depend, as it does now, on the state of the weather. If a frost comes we shall not have a hundred thousand men out of work, tramping about the streets in a state of disgusting misery, or whining to their neighbours for alms, or crowding round the doors of loathsome shelters to try and secure a hunch of bread and a night’s unclean lodging. Each member of the society will share in the general prosperity and happiness of the society, and if a frost comes no one will practically be anything the worse.

Upon the other hand, Socialism itself will be of value simply because it will lead to Individualism.