Virgin Saints and Martyrs
Virgin Saints and MartyrsI BLANDINA THE SLAVEII S. CÆCILIAIII S. AGNESIV FEBRONIA OF SIBAPTEV THE DAUGHTER OF CONSTANTINEVI. THE SISTER OF S. BASILVII GENEVIÈVE OF PARISVIII THE SISTER OF S. BENEDICTIX S. BRIDGETX THE DAUGHTERS OF BRIDGETXI S. ITHAXII S. HILDAXIII S. ELFLEDAXIV S. WERBURGAXV A PROPHETESSXVI S. CLARAXVII S. THERESAXVIII SISTER DORA.FOOTNOTESCopyright
Virgin Saints and Martyrs
S. Baring-Gould
I BLANDINA THE SLAVE
In the second century Lyons was the Rome of Gaul as it is now
the second Paris of France. It was crowded with temples and public
monuments. It was moreover the Athens of the West, a resort of
scholars. Seated at the confluence of two great rivers, the Rhône
and the Sâone, it was a centre of trade. It is a stately city now.
It was more so in the second century when it did not bristle with
the chimneys of factories pouring forth their volumes of black
smoke, which the atmosphere, moist from the mountains, carries down
so as to envelop everything in soot.In the great palace, now represented by the hospital, the
imbecile Claudius and the madman Caligula were born. To the east
and south far away stand Mont Blanc and the snowy range on the
Dauphiné Alps.Lyons is a city that has at all times summed in it the finest
as well as the worst characteristic of the Gallic people. The
rabble of Lyons were ferocious in 177, and ferocious again in 1793;
but at each epoch, during the Pagan terror and the Democratic
terror, it produced heroes of faith and endurance.The Emperor Marcus Aurelius was a philosopher full of good
intentions, and a sentimental lover of virtue. But he fondly
conceived that virtue could only be found in philosophy, and that
Christianity, which was a doctrine and not a speculation, must be
wrong; and as its chief adherents belonged to the slave and needy
classes, that therefore it was beneath his dignity to inquire into
it. He was a stickler for the keeping up of old Roman institutions,
and the maintenance of such rites as were sanctioned by antiquity;
and because the Christians refused to give homage to the gods and
to swear by the genius of the emperor, he ordered that they should
be persecuted to the death.He had been a pretty, curly-haired boy, and a good-looking
young man. He had kept himself respectable, and looked on himself
with smug self-satisfaction accordingly. Had he stooped to inquire
what were the tenets, and what the lives, of those whom he
condemned to death, he would have shrunk with horror from the guilt
of proclaiming a general persecution.In Lyons, as elsewhere, when his edict arrived the
magistrates were bound to seek out and sentence such as believed in
Christ.A touching letter exists, addressed by the Church of Lyons to
those of Asia and Phrygia giving an account of what it suffered;
and as the historian Eusebius embodied it in his history, it
happily has been preserved from the fingering, and rewriting, and
heightening with impossible marvels which fell to the lot of so
many of the Acts of the Martyrs, when the public taste no longer
relished the simple food of the unadorned narratives that were
extant.
“The grace of God,” said the writers, “contended for us,
rescuing the weak, and strengthening the strong. These latter
endured every species of reproach and torture. First they sustained
bravely all the insults heaped on them by the rabble—blows and
abuse, plundering of their goods, stoning and imprisonment.
Afterwards they were led into the forum and were questioned by the
tribune and by the town authorities before all the people, and then
sent to prison to await the coming of the governor. Vetius
Epagathus, one of the brethren, abounding in love to God and man,
offered to speak in their defence; whereupon those round the
tribunal shouted out at him, as he was a man of good position. The
governor did not pay attention to his request, but merely asked
whether he, too, were a Christian. When he confessed that he was,
he also was transferred to the number of the martyrs.”What the numbers were we are not told. The most prominent
among them were Pothinus, the bishop, a man in his ninetieth year,
Sanctus, the deacon of the Church of Vienne, Maturus, a recent
convert, Attalus, a native of Pergamus, Blandina, a slave girl, and
her mistress, another woman named Biblis, and Vetius, above
referred to.Among those arrested were ten who when tortured gave way: one
of these was Biblis; but, although they yielded, yet they would not
leave the place of trial, and remained to witness the sufferings of
such as stood firm; and some—among these was Biblis—plucking up
courage, presented themselves before the judge and made amends for
their apostasy by shedding their blood for Christ.The slaves belonging to the Christians of rank had been
seized and were interrogated; and they, in their terror lest they
should be put to torture, confessed anything the governor
desired—that the Christians ate little children and “committed such
crimes as are neither lawful for us to speak of nor think about;
and which we really believe no men ever did commit.”The defection of the ten caused dismay among the faithful,
for they feared lest it should be the prelude to the surrender of
others.The governor, the proconsul, arrived at the time of the
annual fair, when Lyons was crowded; and he deemed this a good
opportunity for striking terror into the hearts of the
Christians.Those who stood firm were brought out of prison, and, as they
would not do sacrifice to the gods, were subjected to
torture.Blandina was a peculiarly delicately framed young woman, and
not strong. Her mistress, who was one of the martyrs, was
apprehensive for her; but Blandina in the end witnessed the most
splendid confession of all. She was frightfully tortured with iron
hooks and hot plates applied to her flesh from morning till night,
till the executioners hardly knew what more to do; “her entire body
being torn and pierced.”Brass plates, red hot, were also applied to the most tender
parts of the body of the deacon, Sanctus, but he continued
unsubdued, firm in his confession. At last he was thrown down on
the sand, a mass of wounds, so mangled and burnt that he seemed
hardly to retain the human shape. He and Blandina were conveyed
back to prison.Next day “the tormentors tortured Sanctus again, supposing
that whilst his wounds were swollen and inflamed, if they continued
to rend them when so sensitive as not to bear the touch of the
hand, they must break his spirit”—but it was again in
vain.Then it was that Biblis, the woman who had done sacrifice,
came forward “like one waking out of a deep sleep,” and upbraided
the torturers; whereupon she was dragged before the chief
magistrate, confessed Christ, and was numbered among the
martyrs.The proconsul ordered all to be taken back to prison, and
they were thrust into a black and noisome hole, and fastened in the
stocks, their feet distended to the fifth hole—that is to say,
stretched apart as far as was possible without dislocation—and so,
covered with sores, wounds and blisters, unable to sleep in this
attitude, they were left for the night. The suffocation of the
crowded den was too much for some, and in the morning certain of
those who had been crowded into it were drawn forth
dead.Next day the aged bishop Pothinus was led before the
magistrate. He was questioned, and asked who was the God of the
Christians.
“If thou art worthy,” answered he, “thou shalt
know.”He was then stripped and scourged, and beaten about the head.
The crowd outside the barriers now took up whatever was at hand,
stones, brickbats, dirt, and flung them at him, howling curses and
blasphemies. The old man fell gasping, and in a state hardly
conscious was dragged to the prison.And now, on the great day of the fair, when the shows were to
be given to the people, the proconsul for their delectation threw
open the amphitheatre. This was a vast oval, capable of holding
forty thousand spectators. It was packed. On one side, above the
arena, was the seat of the chief magistrate, and near him those
reserved for the city magnates. At the one end, a series of arches,
now closed with gates of stout bars and cross-bars, hinged above
and raised on these hinges by a chain, opened from the dens in
which the wild beasts were kept. The beasts had not been fed for
three days, that they might be ravenous.It was the beginning of June—doubtless a bright summer day,
and an awning kept off the sun from the proconsul. Those on one
side of the amphitheatre, the slaves on the highest row, could see,
vaporous and blue on the horizon, above the crowded tiers opposite,
the chain of the Alps, their crests white with eternal
snows.
“No sooner was the chief magistrate seated, to the blare of
trumpets, than the martyrs were introduced. Sanctus had to be
supported; he could hardly walk, he was such a mass of wounds. All
were now stripped of their garments and were scourged. Blandina was
attached to a post in the centre of the arena. She had been forced
every day to attend and witness the sufferings of the
rest.”But even now they were not to be despatched at once. Maturus
and Sanctus were placed on iron chairs, and fires were lighted
under them so that the fumes of their roasted flesh rose up and
were dissipated by the light summer air over the arena, and the
sickening savour was inhaled by the thousands of cruel and savage
spectators.Then they were cast off to be despatched with the
sword.The dens were opened. Lions, tigers, leopards bounded forth
on the sand roaring. By a strange accident Blandina escaped. The
hungry beasts paced round the arena, but would not touch
her.Then a Greek physician, called Alexander, who was looking on,
unable to restrain his enthusiasm, by signs gave encouragement to
the martyrs. So at least it would seem, for all at once we learn
that the mob roared for Alexander, as one who urged on the
Christians to obstinacy. The governor sent for him, asked who he
was, and when he confessed that he was a Christian, sent him to
prison.Attalus was now led forth, with a tablet on his breast on
which was written in Latin, “This is Attalus, the
Christian.”As he was about to be delivered to the tormentors, some one
whispered to the proconsul that the man was a Roman. He hesitated,
and sent him back to prison.Then a number of other Christians who had Roman citizenship
were produced, and had their heads struck off. Others who had not
this privilege were delivered over to the beasts. And now some of
those who had recanted came forward and offered themselves to
death.Next day the proconsul was again in his place in the
amphitheatre. He had satisfied himself that Attalus could not
substantiate his claim to citizenship, so he ordered him to torture
and death. He also was placed in the iron chair; after which he and
Alexander were given up to be devoured by the beasts.This was the last day of the shows, and to crown all,
Blandina was now produced, together with a boy of fifteen, called
Ponticus. He, like Blandina, had been compelled daily to witness
the torments to which the rest had been subjected.And now the same hideous round of tortures began, and
Blandina in the midst of her agony continued to encourage the brave
boy till he died. Blandina had been roasted in the iron chair and
scourged.As a variety she was placed in a net. Then the gate of one of
the larger dens was raised, and forth rushed a bull, pawed the
sand, tossed his head, looked round, and seeing the net, plunged
forward with bowed head. Next moment Blandina was thrown into the
air, fell, was thrown again, then gored—but was happily now
unconscious. Thus she died, and “even the Gentiles confessed that
no woman among them had ever endured sufferings as many and great.”
But not even then was their madness and cruelty to the saints
satisfied, for “... those who were suffocating in prison were drawn
forth and cast to the dogs; and they watched night and day over the
remains left by beasts and fire, however mangled they might be, to
prevent us from burying them. The bodies, after exposure and abuse
in every possible way during six days, were finally cast into the
Rhône. These things they did as if they were able to resist God and
prevent their resurrection.”The dungeons in which S. Pothinus, S. Blandina, and the rest
of the martyrs were kept through so many days, are shown beneath
the abbey church of Ainay at Lyons. It is possible enough that
Christian tradition may have preserved the remembrance of the site.
They are gloomy cells, without light or air, below the level of the
river. The apertures by which they are entered are so low that the
visitor is obliged to creep into them on his hands and knees.
Traces of Roman work remain. Adjoining is a crypt that was used as
a chapel till the Revolution, when it was desecrated. It is,
however, again restored, the floor has been inlaid with mosaics,
and the walls are covered with modern frescoes, representing the
passion of the martyrs.What makes it difficult to believe that these are the
dungeons is that the abbey above them is constructed on the site of
the Athenæum founded by Caligula, a great school of debate and
composition, and it is most improbable that the town prisons should
have been under the university buildings. In all likelihood in the
early Middle Ages these vaults were found and supposed to have been
the prisons of the martyrs, and supposition very rapidly became
assurance that they were so. The prison in which the martyrs were
enclosed was thelignumorrobur, which was
certainly not below the level of the river.The question arises, when one reads stories of such inhuman
cruelties done, did the victims suffer as acutely as we suppose? I
venture to think notat the time. There can be no question, as it is a thing repeatedly
attested, that in a moment of great excitement the nerves are not
very sensitive. The pain of wounds received in battle is not felt
till after the battle is over. Moreover, it may be questioned
whether the human system can endure pain above a certain
grade—whether, in fact, beyond a limit, insensibility does not set
in.I attended once a poor lady who was frightfully burnt. A
paraffin lamp set fire to a gauze or lace wrap she had about her
neck. All her throat and the lower portion of her face were
frightfully burnt. I was repeatedly with her, but she was
unconscious or as in a sleep; there was no expression of anguish in
her face. She quietly sank through exhaustion. I have questioned
those who have met with shocking accidents, and have always been
assured that the pain began when nature commenced its labour of
repair. Pain, excruciating pain, can be endured, and for a long
period; but I think that when carried beyond a fixed limit it
ceases to be appreciable, as insensibility sets in.This is a matter for investigation, and it were well if those
who read these lines were to endeavour to collect evidence to
substantiate or overthrow what is, with me, only an
opinion.S. CÆCILIA.
II S. CÆCILIA
In 1876, when I was writing the November volume of my “Lives
of the Saints,” and had to deal with the Acts of S. Cæcilia, I saw
at once that they were eminently untrustworthy—they were, in fact,
a religious romance, very similar to others of the like nature; and
my mistrust was deepened when I found that the name of Cæcilia did
not appear in either the Roman Kalendar of the fourth century, nor
in the Carthagenian of the fifth.The Acts were in Greek, and it was not till the time of Pope
Gelasius (496) that her name appeared at all prominently; then he
introduced it into his Sacramentary.The Acts as we have them cannot be older than the fifth
century, and contain gross anachronisms. They make her suffer when
Urban was Pope, under an apocryphal prefect, Turcius Almachius; but
the date of Pope Urban was in the reign of Alexander Severus, who
did not persecute the Church at all—who, in fact, favoured the
Christians.But although there is so much to make one suspicious as to
the very existence of S. Cæcilia, a good many facts have been
brought to light which are sufficient to show that it was the
stupidity of the composer of the apocryphal Acts which has thrown
such doubt over the Virgin Martyr.If we eliminate what is obviously due to the romantic
imagination of the author of the Acts in the fifth century, the
story reduces itself to this.Cæcilia was a maiden of noble family, and her parents were of
senatorial rank. From her earliest youth she was brought up as a
Christian, but that her father was one is doubtful, as he destined
his daughter to become the wife of an honourable young patrician
named Valerian, who was, however, a pagan.Cæcilia would not hear of the marriage on this account; and
Valerian, who loved her dearly, by her advice went to Urban the
Pope, who was living in concealment in the Catacomb in the Appian
Way, to learn something about the Faith. Valerian took with him his
brother, Tiburtius; they were both convinced, were baptised, and,
as they confessed Christ, suffered martyrdom; and the officer who
arrested them, named Maximus, also believed and underwent the same
fate. All three were laid in the Catacomb of
Prætextatus.Cæcilia, in the meantime, had remained unmolested in her
father’s house in Rome.The Prefect resolved to have her put to death privately, as
she belonged to an illustrious family, perhaps also in
consideration for her father, still a heathen.He gave orders that the underground passages for heating the
winter apartments should be piled with wood, and an intense fire
made, and that the room in which Cæcilia was should be closed, so
that she should die of suffocation. This was done, but she survived
the attempt. This is by no means unlikely. The walls were heated by
pipes through which the hot air passed, and there was a thick
pavement of concrete and mosaic between the fires and the room.
Everything depended on the chamber being shut up, and there being
no air admitted; but it is precisely this latter requisite that
could not be assured. In her own house, where the slaves were
warmly attached to her, nothing would be easier than to withdraw
the cover of the opening in the ceiling, by means of which
ventilation was secured. By some means or other air was admitted,
and although, doubtless, Cæcilia suffered discomfort from the great
heat, yet she was not suffocated.The chamber was theCalidarium, or hot-air bath attached to the palace, and in the church
of S. Cæcilia in Trastevere a portion of this is still
visible.As the attempt had failed, the Prefect sent an executioner to
kill her with the sword.Her beauty, youth, and grace, so affected the man that,
although he smote thrice at her throat, he did not kill her. It was
against the law to strike more than thrice, so he left her
prostrate on the mosaic floor bathed in her blood.No sooner was the executioner gone than from all sides poured
in her relatives, the slaves, and the faithful to see her, and to
receive the last sigh of the Martyr. They found her lying on the
marble pavement, half conscious only, and they dipped their
kerchiefs in her blood, and endeavoured to staunch the wounds in
her throat.She lingered two days and nights in the same condition, and
without moving, hanging between life and death; and then—so say the
Acts—Pope Urban arrived, braving the risk, from his hiding-place,
to say farewell to his dear daughter in the Faith. Thereupon she
turned to him, commended to him the care of the poor, entreated her
father to surrender his house to the Church, and expired. In the
Acts she addresses the Pope as “Your Beatitude,” an expression used
in the fifth century, and certainly not in the third.She died, as she had lain, her face to the ground, her hands
and arms declining on the right, as she rested on that
side.The same night her body was enclosed in a cypress chest, and
was conveyed to the cemetery of S. Callixtus, where Urban laid it
in a chamber “near that in which reposed his brother prelates and
martyrs.”So far the legend. Now let us see whether it is possible to
reconcile it with history.In the first place, it is to be observed that the whole of
the difficulty lies with Urban being Pope. If we suppose that in
the original Acts the name was simply “Urban the Bishop,” and that
the remodeller of the Acts took the liberty of transforming him
into Pope Urban, the difficulty vanishes at once. He may have been
some regionary bishop in hiding. He may not have been a bishop at
all, but a priest; and the writer, ignorant of history, and knowing
only of the Urbans as Popes, may have given rise to all this
difficulty by transforming him into a Pope.Now, in the Acts, the Prefect does not speak of the Emperor,
but of “Domini nostri invictissimi principes” (our Lords the
unconquered Princes). The Emperor, therefore, cannot have been
Alexander. Now, Ado the martyrologist, in or about 850, must have
referred to other Acts than those we possess, for he enters S.
Cæcilia as having suffered under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus—that
is to say, in 177. This explains the Prefect referring to the
orders of the Princes.If we take this as the date, and Urban as being a priest or
bishop of the time, the anachronisms are at an end.That the Acts should have been in Greek is no proof that they
were not drawn up in Rome, for Greek was the language of the Church
there, and indeed the majority of the most ancient inscriptions in
the Catacombs are in that language.So much for the main difficulties. Now let us see what
positive evidences we have to substantiate the story.The excavation of the Cemetery of S. Callixtus, which was
begun in 1854, and was carried on with great care by De Rossi, led
to the clearing out of a crypt in which the early Bishops of Rome
had been laid. The bodies had been removed when Paschal I. conveyed
so many of those of the saints and martyrs into Rome, on account of
the ruin into which the Catacombs had fallen, but their epitaphs
remained, all of the third century, and in Greek; among these, that
of Urbanus, 230; and it was perhaps precisely this fact which led
the recomposer of the Acts to confound the Urban of S. Cæcilia’s
time with the Pope. The first Pope known to have been laid there
was Zephyrinus, in 218. Here also was found an inscription set up
by Damasus I., recording how that the bodies of bishops and
priests, virgins and confessors lay in that place.Now by a narrow, irregular opening in the rock, entrance is
obtained to a further chamber, about twenty feet square, lighted by
aluminarein the top, or an
opening to the upper air cut in the tufa. This, there can be no
manner of doubt, is the crypt in which reposed the body of S.
Cæcilia.In the Acts it was said to adjoin that in which were laid the
Bishops of Rome; though, as these bishops were of later date than
Cæcilia, if we take her death to have been in 177, their crypt must
have been dug out or employed for the purpose of receiving their
bodies at a later period.Again, it is an interesting fact, that here a number of the
tombstones that have been discovered bear the Cæcilian name,
showing that this cemetery must have belonged to thatgensor clan. Not only so, but one is
inscribed with that of Septimus Prætextatus Cæcilianus, a servant
of God during thirty years. It will be remembered that Prætextatus
was the name of the brother of Valerian, who was betrothed to
Cæcilia, and it leads one to suspect that the families of Valerian
and of Cæcilia were akin.The chapel or crypt contains frescoes. In theluminareis painted a female figure
with the hands raised in prayer. Beneath this a cross with a lamb
on each side. Below are three male figures with the names
Sebastianus, Curinus (Quirinus), and Polycamus. Sebastian is
doubtless the martyr of that name whose basilica is not far off.
Quirinus, who has thecoronaof
a priest, is the bishop and martyr of Siscia, whose body was
brought in 420 to Rome. Of Polycamus nothing is known, save that
his relics were translated in the ninth century to S.
Prassede.Against the wall lower down is a seventh-century
representation of S. Cæcilia, richly clothed with necklace and
bracelets; below a head of Christ of Byzantine type, and a
representation of S. Urban. But these paintings, which are late,
have been applied over earlier decoration; behind the figure of S.
Cæcilia is mosaic, and that of Christ is painted on the old
porphyry panelling. There are in this crypt recesses for the
reception of bodies, and near the entrance an arched place low
enough to receive a sarcophagus; and there are traces as though the
face had at one time been walled up.The walls are covered withgraffiti, or scribbles made by
pilgrims. An inscription also remains, to state that this was the
sepulchre of S. Cæcilia the Martyr, but this inscription is not
earlier than the ninth or tenth century.In 817 Paschal I. was Pope, and in the following year he
removed enormous numbers of the remains of martyrs from the
Catacombs into the churches of Rome, because the condition into
which these subterranean cemeteries were falling was one of ruin.
They had been exposed to the depredations of the Lombards, and then
to decay. Some had fallen in, and were choked.Precisely this Catacomb had been plundered by the Lombard
king, Astulf, and it was not known whether he had carried off the
body of S. Cæcilia or not. All those of the former popes Paschal
removed.In 844, however, Paschal pretended that he had seen S.
Cæcilia in a dream, who had informed him that she still lay in her
crypt in the Catacomb of S. Callixtus. No reliance can be placed on
the word of a man so unprincipled as Paschal. At this very time two
men of the highest rank, who were supporters of Louis the Pious,
the Emperor, had been seized, dragged to the Lateran Palace, their
eyes plucked out, and then beheaded. The Pope was openly accused of
this barbarous act. The Emperor sent envoys to examine into it, but
Paschal threw all sorts of difficulties in their way. He refused to
produce the murderers; he asserted that they were guilty of no
crime in killing these unfortunate men, and he secured the
assassins by investing them with a half-sacred character as
servants of the Church of S. Peter. Himself he exculpated from all
participation in the deed by a solemn, expurgatorial oath. Such was
the man who pretended to visions of the saints. His dream was an
afterthought. In the clearing out of the crypt of S. Cæcilia, the
wall that had closed the grave was broken through, and the cypress
chest was disclosed. Whereupon Paschal promptly declared he had
dreamt that so it would be found. The body was found in the coffin,
incorrupt, and at its feet were napkins rolled together and stained
with blood.This discovery, which seems wholly improbable, is yet not
impossible. If thearcosoliumhad been hermetically sealed up, the body need not have
fallen to dust; and, as a fact, De Rossi did discover, along with
Marchi, in 1853, a body in the Via Appia, without the smallest
trace of alteration and decay in the bones.[1]Paschal himself relates that he lined the chest with fringed
silk, and covered the body with a silk veil. It was then enclosed
in a sarcophagus of white marble, and laid under the high altar of
the Church of S. Cæcilia in Trastevere.This church has been made out of the old house of S. Cæcilia,
and to this day, notwithstanding rebuildings, it bears traces of
its origin.Nearly eight hundred years after this translation, Sfondrati,
cardinal of S. Cæcilia, being about to carry on material
alterations in the basilica, came on the sarcophagus lying in a
vault under the altar. It was not alone—another was with
it.In the presence of witnesses one of these was opened. It
contained a coffin or chest of cypress wood. The Cardinal himself
removed the cover. First was seen the costly lining and the silken
veil, with which nearly eight centuries before Paschal had covered
the body. It was faded, but not decayed, and through the almost
transparent texture could be seen the glimmer of the gold of the
garments in which the martyr was clad. After a pause of a few
minutes, the Cardinal lifted the veil, and revealed the form of the
maiden martyr lying in the same position in which she had died on
the floor of her father’s hall. Neither Urban nor Paschal had
ventured to alter that. She lay there, clothed in a garment woven
with gold thread, on which were the stains of blood; and at her
feet were the rolls of linen mentioned by Paschal, as found with
the body. She was lying on her right side, the arms sunk from the
body, her face turned to the ground; the knees slightly bent and
drawn together. The attitude was that of one in a deep sleep. On
the throat were the marks of the wounds dealt by the clumsy
executioner.Thus she had lain, preserved from decay through thirteen
centuries.When this discovery was made, Pope Clement VIII. was lying
ill at Frascati, but he empowered Cardinal Baronius and Bosio, the
explorer of the Catacombs, to examine into the matter; and both of
these have left an account of the condition in which the body was
found. For five weeks all Rome streamed to the church to see the
body; and it was not until S. Cæcilia’s Day that it was again
sealed up in its coffin and marble sarcophagus.Cardinal Sfondrati gave a commission to the sculptor Maderna
to reproduce the figure of the Virgin Martyr in marble in the
attitude in which found, and beneath this is the inscription:—“So I
show to you in marble the representation of the most holy Virgin
Cæcilia, in the same position in which I myself saw her incorrupt
lying in her sepulchre.”A woodcut was published at the time of the discovery figuring
it, but this is now extremely scarce.In the second sarcophagus were found the bones of three men;
two, of the same age and size, had evidently died by decapitation.
The third had its skull broken, and the abundant hair was clotted
with blood, as though the martyr had been beaten to death and his
skull fractured with theplumbatæor leaded scourges.The Acts of S. Cæcilia expressly say that this was the manner
of death of Maximus. The other two bodies were doubtless those of
Valerian and Tiburtius.Of the statue by Maderna, Sir Charles Bell says: “The body
lies on its side, the limbs a little drawn up; the hands are
delicate and fine—they are not locked, but crossed at the wrists;
the arms are stretched out. The drapery is beautifully modelled,
and modestly covers the limbs.... It is the statue of a lady,
perfect in form, and affecting from the resemblance to reality in
the drapery of the white marble, and the unspotted appearance of
the statue altogether. It lies as no living body could lie, and yet
correctly, as the dead when left to expire—I mean in the
gravitation of the limbs.”S. Cæcilia is associated with music: she is regarded as the
patroness of the organ. This is entirely due to the highly
imaginative Acts of the Fifth and Sixth Century.
“Orpheus could lead the savage race;And trees uprooted left their place,Sequacious of the lyre:But bright Cæcilia rais’d the wonder higher:When to her organ vocal breath was given,An angel heard, and straight appear’d,Mistaking earth for heaven.”So sang Dryden. Chaucer has given the Legend of S. Cæcilia as
the Second Nun’s Tale in the Canterbury Pilgrimage.There is a marvellous collection of ancient statues in Rome,
in the Torlonia Gallery. It was made by the late Prince Torlonia.
Unhappily, he kept three sculptors in constant employ over these
ancient statues, touching them up, adding, mending, altering. It is
a vast collection, and now the Torlonia family desire to sell it;
but no one will buy, for no one can trust any single statue
therein; no one knows what is ancient and what is new. The finest
old works are of no value, because of the patching and correcting
to which they have been subjected.It is the same with the Acts of the Martyrs: they have been
tinkered at and “improved” in the fifth and sixth centuries, and
even later, no doubt with the best intention, but with the result
that they have—or many of them have—lost credit
altogether.What a buyer of statuary from the Torlonia Gallery would
insist on doing, would be to drag the statues out into the sunshine
and go over them with a microscope and see where a piece of marble
had been added, or where a new face had been put on old work. Then
he would be able to form a judgment as to the value of the statue
or bust. And this is precisely the treatment to which the legends
of the martyrs have to be subjected. But this treatment tells
sometimes in their favour. Narratives that at first sight seem
conspicuously false or manufactured, will under the critical
microscope reveal the sutures, and show what is old and genuine,
and what is adventitious and worthless.S. AGNES.
III S. AGNES
About a mile from the Porta Pia, beside the Nomentine road
that leads from Rome to the bridge over the Arno and to Montana,
are the basilica and catacomb of S. Agnese. We are there on high
ground, and here the parents of the saint had a villa and
vineyard.
They were Christians, and their garden had an entrance to a
catacomb in which the faithful were interred. We know this, because
some of the burials in the passages underground are of more ancient
date than the martyrdom of S. Agnes, which took place in
304.
A little lane, very dirty, leads down hence into the Salarian
road, and there is a mean dribble of a stream in a hollow
below.
The rock is all of the volcanic tufa that is so easily cut,
but which in the roads resolves itself into mud of the dirtiest and
most consistent description.
New Rome is creeping along the road, its gaunt and eminently
vulgar houses are destroying the beauty of this road, which
commanded exquisite views of the Sabine and Alban mountains, and
the lovely Torlonia gardens have already been destroyed. Nor is
this all, for the foundations of these useless and hideous
buildings are being driven down into more than one old catacomb,
which as soon as revealed is destroyed.
Where now stands the basilica of S. Agnese was the catacomb
in which her body was laid. The church is peculiar, in that it is
half underground. One has to descend into it by a staircase of
forty-five ancient marble steps, lined with inscriptions taken from
the catacomb. The cause for this peculiarity is not that the soil
has risen about the basilica, but that when it was proposed to
build the church over the tomb of the saint who was below in the
catacomb, the whole of the crust of rock and earth above was
removed, so that the subterranean passages were exposed to light;
and then the foundations of the sacred edifice were laid on this
level, and were carried up above the surface of the ground.
But this is not the only church that bears the name of S.
Agnes: there is another in Rome itself, opposite the Torre Mellina,
on the site of her martyrdom, in the Piazza Navona, which occupies
the place of the old circus of Domitian. It is a very ugly building
of 1642, but contains a tolerable representation, in relief, of the
martyrdom of the saint.
Unfortunately we have not got the Acts of the martyrdom of S.
Agnes in their original form. It was the custom of the Church to
have scribes present at the interrogation and death of a martyr,
who took down in shorthand the questions put and the answers made,
and the sentence of the judge. These records, which were of the
highest value, were preserved in the archives of the Roman Church.
Unhappily, at a later age, such very simple accounts, somewhat
crude maybe in style, and entirely deficient in the miraculous, did
not suit the popular taste. Meanwhile the stories of the martyrs
had been passed from mouth to mouth, and various additions had been
made to give them a smack of romance; the account of the deaths was
embellished with marvels, and made excruciating by the piling up of
tortures; and then the popular voice declared that the persecutors
must have been punished at once; so it was fabled that lightning
fell and consumed them, or that the earth opened and swallowed
them.
Now, when the Acts of Martyrs were found to contain nothing
of all this, then writers set to work—not with the intention of
deceiving, but with the idea that the genuine Acts were
defective—to recompose the stories, by grafting into the original
narrative all the rubbish that had passed current in popular
legend. Thus it has come to pass that so few of the Acts of the
Martyrs, as we have them, are in their primitive form. They have
been more or less stuffed out with fabulous matter.