War of the Classes E-Book

Jack London

• Herausgeber: ShadowPOET
• Kategorie: Gesellschafts- und Liebesromane
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023

Beschreibung

Unfortunately or otherwise, people are prone to believe in the reality of the things they think ought to be so. This comes of the cheery optimism which is innate with life itself; and, while it may sometimes be deplored, it must never be censured, for, as a rule, it is productive of more good than harm, and of about all the achievement there is in the world. There are cases where this optimism has been disastrous, as with the people who lived in Pompeii during its last quivering days; or with the aristocrats of the time of Louis XVI, who confidently expected the Deluge to overwhelm their children, or their children’s children, but never themselves.

Leseprobe

WaroftheClasses

By

Jack London

WAROFTHECLASSES

THECLASSSTRUGGLE

Unfortunately or otherwise, people are prone to believe in the reality of thethings they think ought to be so. This comes of the cheery optimism which isinnate with life itself; and, while it may sometimes be deplored, it must neverbe censured, for, as a rule, it is productive of more good than harm, and ofabout all the achievement there is in the world. There are cases where thisoptimism has been disastrous, as with the people who lived in Pompeii duringits last quivering days; or with the aristocrats of the time of Louis XVI, whoconfidentlyexpectedtheDelugetooverwhelmtheirchildren,ortheirchildren’schildren,butneverthemselves.Butthereissmalllikelihoodthatthecase of perverse optimism here to be considered will end in such disaster,while there is every reason to believe that the great change now manifestingitself in society will be as peaceful and orderly in its culmination as it is in itspresentdevelopment.

Outoftheirconstitutionaloptimism,andbecauseaclassstruggleisan

abhorred and dangerous thing, the great American people are unanimous inassertingthatthereisnoclassstruggle.Andby“Americanpeople”ismeant

the recognized and authoritative mouth-pieces of the American people, whichare the press, the pulpit, and the university. The journalists, the preachers, andthe professors are practically of one voice in declaring that there is no suchthingasaclassstrugglenowgoingon,muchlessthataclassstrugglewillevergo on, in the United States. And this declaration they continually make in theface of a multitude of facts which impeach, not so much their sincerity, asaffirm,rather,theiroptimism.

There are two ways of approaching the subject of the class struggle. Theexistence of this struggle can be shown theoretically, and it can be shownactually. For a class struggle to exist in society there must be, first, a classinequality, a superior class and an inferior class (as measured by power); and,second, the outlets must be closed whereby the strength and ferment of theinferiorclasshavebeenpermittedtoescape.

That there are even classes in the United States is vigorously denied by many;but it is incontrovertible, when a group of individuals is formed, wherein themembers are bound together by common interests which are peculiarly theirinterests and not the interests of individuals outside the group, that such agroup is a class. The owners of capital, with their dependents, form a class ofthis nature in the United States; the working people form a similar class. Theinterest of the capitalist class, say, in the matter of income tax, is quitecontrarytotheinterestofthelaboringclass;and,viceversa,inthematterofpoll-tax.

If between these two classes there be a clear and vital conflict of interest, allthe factors are present which make a class struggle; but this struggle will liedormant if the strong and capable members of the inferior class be permittedto leave that class and join the ranks of the superior class. The capitalist classand the working class have existed side by side and for a long time in theUnited States; but hitherto all the strong, energetic members of the workingclasshavebeenabletoriseoutoftheirclassandbecomeownersofcapital.

They were enabled to do this because an undeveloped country with anexpanding frontier gave equality of opportunity to all.In the almost lottery-like scramble for the ownership of vast unowned natural resources, and in theexploitation of which there was little or no competition of capital, (the capitalitself rising out of the exploitation), the capable, intelligent member of theworkingclassfoundafieldinwhichtousehisbrainstohisownadvancement.Instead of being discontented in direct ratio with his intelligence andambitions, and of radiating amongst his fellows a spirit of revolt as capable ashe was capable, he left them to their fate and carved his own way to a place inthesuperiorclass.

Butthedayofanexpandingfrontier,ofalottery-likescramblefortheownershipofnaturalresources,andoftheupbuildingofnewindustries,is

past.Farthest West has been reached, and an immense volume of surpluscapital roams for investment and nips in the bud the patient efforts of theembryo capitalist to rise through slow increment from small beginnings. Thegatewayofopportunityafteropportunityhasbeenclosed,andclosedforalltime.Rockefellerhasshutthedooronoil,theAmericanTobaccoCompanyontobacco,andCarnegieonsteel.AfterCarnegiecameMorgan,whotriple-lockedthedoor.Thesedoorswillnotopenagain,andbeforethempausethousandsofambitiousyoungmentoreadtheplacard:NOTHOROUGH-FARE.

And day by day more doors are shut, while the ambitious young men continueto be born. It is they, denied the opportunity to rise from the working class,who preach revolt to the working class. Had he been born fifty years later,Andrew Carnegie, the poor Scotch boy, might have risen to be president of hisunion, or of a federation of unions; but that he would never have become thebuilder of Homestead and the founder of multitudinous libraries, is as certainas it is certain that some other man would have developed the steel industryhadAndrewCarnegieneverbeenborn.

Theoretically, then, there exist in the United States all the factors which go tomakeaclassstruggle.Therearethecapitalistsandworkingclasses,theinterestsofwhichconflict,whiletheworkingclassisnolongerbeingemasculatedtotheextentitwasinthepastbyhavingdrawnofffromititsbestblood and brains. Its more capable members are no longer able to rise out of itandleavethegreatmassleaderlessandhelpless.Theyremaintobeitsleaders.

ButtheoptimisticmouthpiecesofthegreatAmericanpeople,whoarethemselvesdefttheoreticians,arenottobeconvincedbymeretheoretics.Soitremains to demonstrate the existence of the class struggle by a marshalling ofthefacts.

When nearly two millions of men, finding themselves knit together by certaininterests peculiarly their own, band together in a strong organization for theaggressive pursuit of those interests, it is evident that society has within it ahostile and warring class. But when the interests which this class aggressivelypursues conflict sharply and vitally with the interests of another class, classantagonism arises and a class struggle is the inevitable result.One greatorganization of labor alone has a membership of 1,700,000 in the UnitedStates.ThisistheAmericanFederationofLabor,andoutsideofitaremanyotherlargeorganizations.Allthesemenarebandedtogetherforthefrankpurposeofbetteringtheircondition,regardlessoftheharmworkedtherebyuponallotherclasses.Theyareinopenantagonismwiththecapitalistclass,whilethemanifestosoftheirleadersstatethatthestruggleisonewhichcanneverenduntilthecapitalistclassisexterminated.

Theirleaderswilllargelydenythislaststatement,butanexaminationoftheir

utterances, their actions, and the situation will forestall such denial. In the firstplace, the conflict between labor and capital is over the division of the joinproduct. Capital and labor apply themselves to raw material and make it into afinished product. The difference between the value of the raw material and thevalue of the finished product is the value they have added to it by their jointeffort.This added value is, therefore, their joint product, and it is over thedivision of this joint product that the struggle between labor and capital takesplace.Labor takes its share in wages; capital takes its share in profits.It ispatent,ifcapitaltookinprofitsthewholejointproduct,that labor wouldperish. And it is equally patent, if labor took in wages the whole joint product,thatcapitalwouldperish.Yetthislastistheverythinglaboraspirestodo,andthat it will never be content with anything less than the whole joint product isevidencedbythewordsofitsleaders.

Mr. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, hassaid: “The workers want more wages; more of the comforts of life; moreleisure; more chance for self-improvement as men, as trade-unionists, ascitizens. These were the wants of yesterday; they are the wants of today;theywillbethewantsoftomorrow,andoftomorrow’smorrow.Thestrugglemayassume new forms, but the issue is the immemorial one,—an effort of theproducerstoobtainanincreasingmeasureofthewealththatflowsfromtheirproduction.”

Mr. Henry White, secretary of the United Garment Workers of America and amemberoftheIndustrialCommitteeoftheNationalCivicFederation,speaking of the National Civic Federation soon after its inception, said: “Tofall into one another’s arms, to avow friendship, to express regret at the injurywhich has been done, would not alter the facts of the situation. Workingmenwill continue to demand more pay, and the employer will naturally opposethem. The readiness and ability of the workmen to fight will, as usual, largelydetermine the amount of their wages or their share in the product. . . But whenit comes to dividing the proceeds, there is the rub. We can also agree that thelarger the product through the employment of labor-saving methods the better,astherewillbemoretobedivided,butagainthequestionofthedivision....

A Conciliation Committee, having the confidence of the community, andcomposed of men possessing practical knowledge of industrial affairs, cantherefore aid in mitigating this antagonism, in preventing avoidable conflicts,in bringing about a truce; I use the word ‘truce’ because understandings canonlybetemporary.”

Hereisamanwhomighthaveownedcattleonathousandhills,beenalumberbaron or a railroad king, had he been born a few years sooner. As it is, heremains in his class, is secretary of the United Garment Workers of America,andissothoroughlysaturatedwiththeclassstrugglethathespeaksofthe

disputebetweencapitalandlaborintermsofwar,—workmenfightwithemployers; it is possible to avoid some conflicts; in certain cases truces maybe,forthetimebeing,effected.

Man being man and a great deal short of the angels, the quarrel over thedivision of the joint product is irreconcilable. For the last twenty years in theUnited States, there has been an average of over a thousand strikes per year;and year by year these strikes increase in magnitude, and the front of the laborarmy grows more imposing. And it is a class struggle, pure and simple. Laborasaclassisfightingwithcapitalasaclass.

Workingmen will continue to demand more pay, and employers will continueto oppose them. This is the key-note to laissez faire,—everybody for himselfand devil take the hindmost.It is upon this that the rampant individualistbases his individualism. It is the let-alone policy, the struggle for existence,which strengthens the strong, destroys the weak, and makes a finer and morecapable breed of men. But the individual has passed away and the group hascome,forbetterorworse,andthestrugglehasbecome,notastrugglebetweenindividuals,butastrugglebetweengroups.Sothequeryrises:Hastheindividualistneverspeculateduponthelaborgroupbecomingstrongenoughtodestroythecapitalistgroup,andtaketoitselfandrunforitselfthemachineryofindustry?And,further,hastheindividualistneverspeculateduponthisbeingstillatriumphantexpressionofindividualism,—ofgroupindividualism,—iftheconfusionoftermsmaybepermitted?

But the facts of the class struggle are deeper and more significant than have sofar been presented. A million or so of workmen may organize for the pursuitof interests which engender class antagonism and strife, and at the same timebe unconscious of what is engendered. But when a million or so of workmenshowunmistakablesignsofbeingconsciousoftheirclass,—ofbeing,inshort,class conscious,—then the situation grows serious. The uncompromising andterrible hatred of the trade-unionist for a scab is the hatred of a class for atraitor to that class,—while the hatred of a trade-unionist for the militia is thehatred of a class for a weapon wielded by the class with which it is fighting.No workman can be true to his class and at the same time be a member of themilitia:thisisthedictumofthelaborleaders.

In the town of the writer, the good citizens, when they get up a Fourth of Julyparade and invite the labor unions to participate, are informed by the unionsthat they will not march in the parade if the militia marches. Article 8 of theconstitution of the Painters’ and Decorators’ Union of Schenectady providesthat a member must not be a “militiaman, special police officer, or deputymarshal in the employ of corporations or individuals during strikes, lockouts,orotherlabordifficulties,andanymemberoccupyinganyoftheabovepositionswillbedebarredfrommembership.”Mr.WilliamPotterwasa

member of this union and a member of the National Guard. As a result,because he obeyed the order of the Governor when his company was orderedouttosuppressrioting,hewasexpelledfromhisunion.Alsohisuniondemanded his employers, Shafer & Barry, to discharge him from their service.Thistheycompliedwith,ratherthanfacethethreatenedstrike.

Mr. Robert L. Walker, first lieutenant of the Light Guards, a New Havenmilitia company, recently resigned. His reason was, that he was a member ofthe Car Builders’ Union, and that the two organizations were antagonistic toeach other. During a New Orleans street-car strike not long ago, a wholecompany of militia, called out to protect non-union men, resigned in a body.Mr. John Mulholland, president of the International Association of AlliedMetal Mechanics, has stated that he does not want the members to join themilitia. The Local Trades’ Assembly of Syracuse, New York, has passed aresolution, by unanimous vote, requiring union men who are members of theNational Guard to resign, under pain of expulsion, from the unions. TheAmalgamatedSheetMetalWorkers’Associationhasincorporatedinitsconstitution an amendment excluding from membership in its organization“any person a member of the regular army, or of the State militia or navalreserve.”TheIllinoisStateFederationofLabor,atarecentconvention,passedwithout a dissenting vote a resolution declaring that membership in militaryorganizationsisaviolationoflaborunionobligations,andrequestingallunionmen to withdraw from the militia. The president of the Federation, Mr. AlbertYoung, declared that the militia was a menace not only to unions, but to allworkersthroughoutthecountry.

These instances may be multiplied a thousand fold. The union workmen arebecoming conscious of their class, and of the struggle their class is wagingwith the capitalist class. To be a member of the militia is to be a traitor to theunion, for the militia is a weapon wielded by the employers to crush theworkersinthestrugglebetweenthewarringgroups.

Another interesting, and even more pregnant, phase of the class struggle is thepolitical aspect of it as displayed by the socialists.Five men, standingtogether, may perform prodigies; 500 men, marching as marched the historicFive Hundred of Marseilles, may sack a palace and destroy a king; while500,000 men, passionately preaching the propaganda of a class struggle,waging a class struggle along political lines, and backed by the moral andintellectualsupportof10,000,000moremenoflikeconvictionsthroughouttheworld,maycomeprettyclosetorealizingaclassstruggleintheseUnitedStatesofours.

In 1900 these men cast 150,000 votes; two years later, in 1902, they cast300,000 votes; and in 1904 they cast 450,000. They have behind them a mostimposingphilosophicandscientificliterature;theyownillustratedmagazines

andreviews,highinquality,dignity,andrestraint;theypossesscountlessdailyand weekly papers which circulate throughout the land, and single paperswhichhavesubscribersbythehundredsofthousands;andtheyliterallyswamp the working classes in a vast sea of tracts and pamphlets. No politicalparty in the United States, no church organization nor mission effort, has asindefatigable workers as has the socialist party. They multiply themselves,know of no effort nor sacrifice too great to make for the Cause; and “Cause,”withthem,isspelledoutincapitals.Theyworkforitwithareligiouszeal,andwoulddieforitwithawillingnesssimilartothatoftheChristianmartyrs.

These men are preaching an uncompromising and deadly class struggle. Infact, they are organized upon the basis of a class struggle. “The history ofsociety,” they say, “is a history of class struggles. Patrician struggled withplebeian in early Rome; the king and the burghers, with the nobles in theMiddle Ages; later on, the king and the nobles with the bourgeoisie; and todaythestruggleisonbetweenthetriumphantbourgeoisieandtherisingproletariat. By ‘proletariat’ is meant the class of people without capital whichsellsitslaborforaliving.