In Praise of Folly
In Praise of FollyTHE LIFE OF ERASMUS.E R A S M U S's EPISTLE TO Sir THOMAS MORE.ERASMUS's Praise of FOLLY.Copyright
In Praise of Folly
Desiderius Erasmus
THE LIFE OF ERASMUS.
ERASMUS, so deservedly famous for his admirable writings, the
vast extent of his learning, his great candour and moderation, and
for being one of the chief restorers of the Latin tongue on this
side the Alps, was born at Rotterdam, on the 28th of October, in
the year 1467. The anonymous author of his life commonly printed
with his Colloquies (of the London edition) is pleased to tell us
thatde anno quo natus est apud Batavos, non
constat. And if he himself wrote the life which
we find before the Elzevir edition, said to beErasmo autore, he does not
particularly mention the year in which he was born, but places
itcirca annum 67 supra millesintum
quadringentesimum. Another Latin life, which is
prefixed to the above-mentioned London edition, fixes it in the
year 1465; as does his epitaph at Basil. But as the inscription on
his statue at Rotterdam, the place of his nativity, may reasonably
be supposed the most authentic, we have followed that. His mother
was the daughter of a physician at Sevenbergen in Holland, with
whom his father contracted an acquaintance, and had correspondence
with her on promise of marriage, and was actually contracted to
her. His father's name was Gerard; he was the youngest of ten
brothers, without one sister coming between; for which reason his
parents (according to the superstition of the times) designed to
consecrate him to the church. His brothers liked the notion,
because, as the church then governed all, they hoped, if he rose in
his profession, to have a sure friend to advance their interest;
but no importunities could prevail on Gerard to turn ecclesiastic
Finding himself continually pressed upon so disagreeable a subject,
and not able longer to bear it, he was forced to fly from his
native country, leaving a letter for his friends, in which he
acquainted them with the reason of his departure, and that he
should never trouble them any more. Thus he left her who was to be
his wife big with child, and made the best of his way to Rome.
Being an admirable master of the pen, he made a very genteel
livelihood by transcribing most authors of note (for printing was
not in use). He for some time lived at large, but afterwards
applied close to study, made great progress in the Greek and Latin
languages, and in the civil law; for Rome at that time was full of
learned men. When his friends knew he was at Rome, they sent him
word that the young gentlewoman whom he had courted for a wife was
dead; upon which, in a melancholy fit, he took orders, and turned
his thoughts wholly to the study of divinity. He returned to his
own country, and found to his grief that he had been imposed upon;
but it was too late to think of marriage, so he dropped all farther
pretensions to his mistress; nor would she after this unlucky
adventure be induced to marry.The son took the name of Gerard after his father, which in
German signifiesamiable, and
(after the fashion of the learned men of that age, who affected to
give their names a Greek or Latin turn) his was turned into
Erasmus, which in Greek has the same signification. He was
chorister of the cathedral church of Utrecht till he was nine years
old; after which he was sent to Deventer to be instructed by the
famous Alexander Hegius, a Westphalian. Under so able a master he
proved an extraordinary proficient; and it is remarkable that he
had such a strength of memory as to be able to say all Terence and
Horace by heart. He was now arrived to the thirteenth year of his
age, and had been continually under the watchful eye of his mother,
who died of the plague then raging at Deventer. The contagion daily
increasing, and having swept away the family where he boarded, he
was obliged to return home. His father Gerard was so concerned at
her death that he grew melancholy, and died soon after: neither of
his parents being much above forty when they died.Erasmus had three guardians assigned him, the chief of whom
was Peter Winkel, schoolmaster of Goude; and the fortune left him
was amply sufficient for his support, if his executors had
faithfully discharged their trust Although he was fit for the
university, his guardians were averse to sending him there, as they
designed him for a monastic life, and therefore removed him to
Bois-le-duc, where, he says, he lost near three years, living in a
Franciscan convent The professor of humanity in this convent,
admiring his rising genius, daily importuned him to take the habit,
and be of their order. Erasmus had no great inclination for the
cloister; not that he had the least dislike to the severities of a
pious life, but he could not reconcile himself to the monastic
profession; he therefore urged his rawness of age, and desired
farther to consider better of the matter. The plague spreading in
those parts, and he having struggled a long time with a quartan
ague, obliged him to return home.His guardians employed those about him to use all manner of
arguments to prevail on him to enter the order of monk; sometimes
threatening, and at other times making use of flattery and fair
speeches. When Winkel, his guardian, found him not to be moved from
his resolution, he told him that he threw up his guardianship from
that moment Young Erasmus replied, that he took him at his word,
since he was old enough now to look out for himself. When Winkel
found that threats did not avail, he employed his brother, who was
the other guardian, to see what he could effect by fair means. Thus
he was surrounded by them and their agents on all sides. By mere
accident, Erasmus went to visit a religious house belonging to the
same order, in Emaus or Steyn, near Goude, where he met with one
Cornelius, who had been his companion at Deventer; and though he
had not himself taken the habit, he was perpetually preaching up
the advantages of a religious life, as the convenience of noble
libraries, the helps of learned conversation, retirement from the
noise and folly of the world, and the like. Thus at last he was
induced to pitch upon this convent. Upon his admission they fed him
with great promises, to engage him to take the holy cloth; and
though he found almost everything fall short of his expectation,
yet his necessities, and the usage he was threatened with if he
abandoned their order, prevailed with him, after his year of
probation, to profess himself a member of their fraternity. Not
long after this, he had the honour to be known to Henry a Bergis,
bishop of Cambray, who having some hopes of obtaining a cardinal's
hat, wanted one perfectly master of Latin to solicit this affair
for him; for this purpose Erasmus was taken into the bishop's
family, where he wore the habit of his order. The bishop not
succeeding in his expectation at Rome, proved fickle and wavering
in his affection; therefore Erasmus prevailed with him to send him
to Paris, to prosecute his studies in that famous university, with
the promise of an annual allowance, which was never paid him. He
was admitted into Montague College, but indisposition obliged him
to return to the bishop, by whom he was honourably entertained.
Finding his health restored, he made a journey to Holland,
intending to settle there, but was persuaded to go a second time to
Paris; where, having no patron to support him, himself says, he
rather made a shift to live, than could be said to study. He next
visited England, where he was received with great respect; and as
appears by several of his letters, he honoured it next to the place
of his nativity. In a letter to Andrelinus, inviting him to
England, he speaks highly of the beauty of the English ladies, and
thus describes their innocent freedom: "When you come into a
gentleman's house you are allowed the favour to salute them, and
the same when you take leave." He was particularly acquainted with
Sir Thomas More, Colet, dean of Saint Paul's, Grocinus, Linacer,
Latimer, and many others of the most eminent of that time; and
passed some years at Gam-bridge. In his way for France he had the
misfortune to be stripped of everything; but he did not revenge
this injury by any unjust reflection on the country. Not meeting
with the preferment he expected, he made a voyage to Italy, at that
time little inferior to the Augustan age for learning. He took his
doctor of divinity degree in the university of Turin; stayed about
a year in Bologna; afterward went to Venice, and there published
his book of Adages from the press of the famous Aldus. He removed
to Padua, and last to Rome, where his fame had arrived long before
him. Here he gained the friendship of all the considerable persons
of the city, nor could have failed to have made his fortune, had he
not been prevailed upon by the great promises of his friends in
England to return thither on Henry VIIIth coming to the crown. He
was taken into favour by Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, who gave
him the living of Aldington, in Kent; but whether Erasmus was
wanting in making his court to Wolsey, or whether the cardinal
viewed him with a jealous eye, because he was a favourite of
Warham, between whom and Wolsey there was perpetual clashing, we
know not; however, being disappointed, Erasmus went to Flanders,
and by the interest of Chancellor Sylvagius, was made counsellor to
Charles of Austria, afterward Charles V., emperor of Germany. He
resided several years at Basil; but on the mass being abolished in
that city by the Reformation, he retired to Friberg in Alsace,
where he lived seven years. Having been for a long time afflicted
with the gout, he left Friberg, and returned to Basil. Here the
gout soon left him, but he was seized by a dysentery, and after
labouring a whole month under that disorder, died on the 22nd of
July, 1536, in the house of Jerome Frobenius, son of John, the
famous printer. He was honourably interred, and the city of Basil
still pays the highest respect to the memory of so great a
man.Erasmus was the most facetious man, and the greatest critic
of his age. He carried on a reformation in learning at the same
time he advanced that of religion; and promoted a purity of style
as well as simplicity of worship. This drew on him the hatred of
the ecclesiastics, who were no less bigotted to their barbarisms in
language and philosophy, than they were to their superstitious and
gaudy ceremonies in religion; they murdered him in their dull
treatises, libelled him in their wretched sermons, and in their
last and most effectual efforts of malice, they joined some of
their own execrable stuff to his compositions: of which he himself
complains in a letter addressed to the divines of Louvain. He
exposed with great freedom the vices and corruptions of his own
church, yet never would be persuaded to leave her communion. The
papal policy would never have suffered Erasmus to have taken so
unbridled a range in the reproof and censure of her extravagancies,
but under such circumstances, when the public attack of Luther
imposed on her a prudential necessity of not disobliging her
friends, that she might with more united strength oppose the common
enemy; and patiently bore what at any other time she would have
resented. Perhaps no man has obliged the public with a greater
number of useful volumes than our author; though several have been
attributed to him which he never wrote. His book of Colloquies has
passed through more editions than any of his others: Moreri tells
us a bookseller in Paris sold twenty thousand at one
impression.
E R A S M U S's EPISTLE TO Sir THOMAS MORE.
IN my late travels from Italy into England, that I might not
trifle away my time in the rehearsal of old wives' fables, I
thought it more pertinent to employ my thoughts in reflecting upon
some past studies, or calling to remembrance several of those
highly learned, as well as smartly ingenious, friends I had here
left behind, among whom you (dear Sir) were represented as the
chief; whose memory, while absent at this distance, I respect with
no less a complacency than I was wont while present to enjoy your
more intimate conversation, which last afforded me the greatest
satisfaction I could possibly hope for. Having therefore resolved
to be a doing, and deeming that time improper for any serious
concerns, I thought good to divert myself with drawing up a
panegyrick upon Folly. How! what maggot (say you) put this in your
head? Why, the first hint, Sir, was your own surname of More, which
comes as near the literal sound of the word,* as you yourself are
distant from the signification of it, and that in all men's
judgments is vastly wide.* Mwpia.In the next place, I supposed that this kind of sporting wit
would be by you more especially accepted of, by you, Sir, that are
wont with this sort of jocose raillery (such as, if I mistake not,
is neither dull nor impertinent) to be mightily pleased, and in
your ordinary converse to approve yourself a Democritus junior: for
truly, as you do from a singular vein of wit very much dissent from
the common herd of mankind; so, by an incredible affability and
pliableness of temper, you have the art of suiting your humour with
all sorts of companies. I hope therefore you will not only readily
accept of this rude essay as a token from your friend, but take it
under your more immediate protection, as being dedicated to you,
and by that tide adopted for yours, rather than to be fathered as
my own. And it is a chance if there be wanting some quarrelsome
persons that will shew their teeth, and pretend these fooleries are
either too buffoon-like for a grave divine, or too satyrical for a
meek christian, and so will exclaim against me as if I were vamping
up some old farce, or acted anew the Lucian again with a peevish
snarling at all things. But those who are offended at the lightness
and pedantry of this subject, I would have them consider that I do
not set myself for the first example of this kind, but that the
same has been oft done by many considerable authors. For thus
several ages since, Homer wrote of no more weighty a subject than
of a war between the frogs and mice, Virgil of a gnat and a
pudding-cake, and Ovid of a nut Polycrates commended the cruelty of
Busiris; and Isocrates, that corrects him for this, did as much for
the injustice of Glaucus. Favorinus extolled Thersites, and wrote
in praise of a quartan ague. Synesius pleaded in behalf of
baldness; and Lucian defended a sipping fly. Seneca drollingly
related the deifying of Claudius; Plutarch the dialogue betwixt
Gryllus and Ulysses; Lucian and Apuleius the story of an ass; and
somebody else records the last will of a hog, of which St. Hierom
makes mention. So that if they please, let themselves think the
worst of me, and fancy to themselves that I was all this while a
playing at push-pin, or riding astride on a hobby-horse. For how
unjust is it, if when we allow different recreations to each
particular course of life, we afford no diversion to studies;
especially when trifles may be a whet to more serious thoughts, and
comical matters may be so treated of, as that a reader of ordinary
sense may possibly thence reap more advantage than from some more
big and stately argument: as while one in a long-winded oration
descants in commendation of rhetoric or philosophy, another in a
fulsome harangue sets forth the praise of his nation, a third makes
a zealous invitation to a holy war with the Turks, another
confidently sets up for a fortune-teller, and a fifth states
questions upon mere impertinences. But as nothing is more childish
than to handle a serious subject in a loose, wanton style, so is
there nothing more pleasant than so to treat of trifles, as to make
them seem nothing less than what their name imports. As to what
relates to myself, I must be forced to submit to the judgment of
others; yet, except I am too partial to be judge in my own case, I
am apt to believe I have praised Folly in such a manner as not to
have deserved the name of fool for my pains. To reply now to the
objection of satyricalness, wits have been always allowed this
privilege, that they might be smart upon any transactions of life,
if so be their liberty did not extend to railing; which makes me
wonder at the tender-eared humour of this age, which will admit of
no address without the prefatory repetition of all formal titles;
nay, you may find some so preposterously devout, that they will
sooner wink at the greatest affront against our Saviour, than be
content that a prince, or a pope, should be nettled with the least
joke or gird, especially in what relates to their ordinary customs.
But he who so blames men's irregularities as to lash at no one
particular person by name, does he (I say) seem to carp so properly
as to teach and instruct? And if so, how am I concerned to make any
farther excuse? Beside, he who in his strictures points
indifferently at all, he seems not angry at one man, but at all
vices.Therefore, if any singly complain they are particularly
reflected upon, they do but betray their own guilt, at least their
cowardice. Saint Hierom dealt in the same argument at a much freer
and sharper rate; nay, and he did not sometimes refrain from naming
the persons: whereas I have not only stifled the mentioning any one
person, but have so tempered my style, as the ingenious reader will
easily perceive I aimed at diversion rather than satire. Neither
did I so far imitate Juvenal, as to rake into the sink of vices to
procure a laughter, rather than create a hearty abhorrence. If
there be any one that after all remains yet unsatisfied, let him at
least consider that there may be good use made of being reprehended
by Folly, which since we have feigned as speaking, we must keep up
that character which is suitable to the person
introduced.But why do I trouble you, Sir, with this needless apology,
you that are so peculiar a patron; as, though the cause itself be
none of the best, you can at least give it the best protection.
Farewell.On the Argument and Design of the following
Oration.WHATEVER the modern satyrs o' th'
stage, To jerk the failures of a sliding
age, Have lavishly expos'd to public
view, For a discharge to all from envy
due, Here in as lively colours naked
lie, With equal wit, and more of
modesty, Those poets, with their free
disclosing arts, Strip vice so near to its uncomely
parts, Their libels prove but lessons, and
they teach Those very crimes which they intend
t' impeach: While here so wholesome all, tho'
sharp t' th' taste, So briskly free, yet so resolv'dly
chaste; The virgin naked as her god of
bows, May read or hear when blood at
highest flows; Nor more expense of blushes thence
arise, Than while the lect'ring matron does
advise To guard her virtue, and her honour
prize. Satire and panegyric, distant
be, Yet jointly here they both in one
agree. The whole's a sacrifice of salt and
fire; So does the humour of the age
require, To chafe the touch, and so foment
desire. As doctrine-dangling preachers lull
asleep Their unattentive pent-up fold of
sheep; The opiated milk glues up the
brain, And th' babes of grace are in their
cradles lain; While mounted Andrews, bawdy, bold,
and loud, Like cocks, alarm all the drowsy
crowd, Whose glittering ears are prick'd as
bolt-upright, As sailing hairs are hoisted in a
fright. So does it fare with croaking spawns
o' th' press, The mould o' th' subject alters the
success; What's serious, like sleep, grants
writs of ease, Satire and ridicule can only
please; As if no other animals could
gape, But the biting badger, or the
snick'ring ape. Folly by irony's commended
here, Sooth'd, that her weakness may the
more appear. Thus fools, who trick'd, in red and
yellow shine, Are made believe that they are
wondrous fine, When all's a plot t' expose them by
design. The largesses of Folly here are
strown. Like pebbles, not to pick, but
trample on. Thus Spartans laid their soaking
slaves before The boys, to justle, kick, and
tumble o'er: Not that the dry-lipp'd youngsters
might combine To taste and know the mystery of
wine, But wonder thus at men transform'd
to swine; And th' power of such enchantment to
escape, Timely renounce the devil of the
grape. So here, Though Folly speaker be, and
argument, Wit guides the tongue, wisdom's the
lecture meant.So here, Though Folly speaker be,
and argument, Wit guides the tongue, wisdom's the
lecture meant.
ERASMUS's Praise of FOLLY.
An oration, of feigned matter, spoken by Folly in
her own person.HOW slightly soever I am esteemed in the common vogue of the
world, (for I well know how disingenuously Folly is decried, even
by those who are themselves the greatest fools,) yet it is from my
influence alone that the whole universe receives her ferment of
mirth and jollity: of which this may be urged as a convincing
argument, in that as soon as I appeared to speak before this
numerous assembly all their countenances were gilded oyer with a
lively sparkling pleasantness: you soon welcomed me with so
encouraging a look, you spurred me on with so cheerful a hum, that
truly in all appearance, you seem now flushed with a good dose of
reviving nectar, when as just before you sate drowsy and
melancholy, as if you were lately come out of some hermit's cell.
But as it is usual, that as soon as the sun peeps from her eastern
bed, and draws back the curtains of the darksome night; or as when,
after a hard winter, the restorative spring breathes a more
enlivening air, nature forthwith changes her apparel, and all
things seem to renew their age; so at the first sight of me you all
unmask, and appear in more lively colours. That therefore which
expert orators can scarce effect by all their little artifice of
eloquence, to wit, a raising the attentions of their auditors to a
composedness of thought, this a bare look from me has commanded.
The reason why I appear in this odd kind of garb, you shall soon be
informed of, if for so short a while you will have but the patience
to lend me an ear; yet not such a one as you are wont to hearken
with to your reverend preachers, but as you listen withal to
mountebanks, buffoons, and merry-andrews; in short, such as
formerly were fastened to Midas, as a punishment for his affront to
the god Pan. For I am now in a humour to act awhile the sophist,
yet not of that sort who undertake the drudgery of tyrannizing over
school boys, and teach a more than womanish knack of brawling; but
in imitation of those ancient ones, who to avoid the scandalous
epithet of wise, preferred this title of sophists; the task of
these was to celebrate the worth of gods and heroes. Prepare
therefore to be entertained with a panegyrick, yet not upon
Hercules, Solon, or any other grandee, but on myself, that is, upon
Folly.And here I value not their censure that pretend it is foppish
and affected for any person to praise himself: yet let it be as
silly as they please, if they will but allow it needful: and indeed
what is more befitting than that Folly should be the trumpet of her
own praise, and dance after her own pipe? for who can set me forth
better than myself? or who can pretend to be so well acquainted
with my condition?And yet farther, I may safely urge, that all this is no more
than the same with what is done by several seemingly great and wise
men, who with a new-fashioned modesty employ some paltry orator or
scribbling poet, whom they bribe to flatter them with some
high-flown character, that shall consist of mere lies and shams;
and yet the persons thus extolled shall bristle up, and,
peacock-like, bespread their plumes, while the impudent parasite
magnifies the poor wretch to the skies, and proposes him as a
complete pattern of all virtues, from each of which he is yet as
far distant as heaven itself from hell: what is all this in the
mean while, but the tricking up a daw in stolen feathers; a
labouring to change the black-a-moor's hue, and the drawing on a
pigmy's frock over the shoulders of a giant.Lastly, I verify the old observation, that allows him a right
of praising himself, who has nobody else to do it for him: for
really, I cannot but admire at that ingratitude, shall I term it,
or blockishness of mankind, who when they all willingly pay to me
their utmost devoir, and freely acknowledge their respective
obligations; that notwithstanding this, there should have been none
so grateful or complaisant as to have bestowed on me a commendatory
oration, especially when there have not been wanting such as at a
great expense of sweat, and loss of sleep, have in elaborate
speeches, given high encomiums to tyrants, agues, flies, baldness,
and such like trumperies.I shall entertain you with a hasty and unpremeditated, but so
much the more natural discourse. My venting itex
tempore