Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass
Narrative of the Life of Frederick DouglassPREFACELETTER FROM WENDELL PHILLIPSFREDERICK DOUGLASS.CHAPTER ICHAPTER IICHAPTER IIICHAPTER IVCHAPTER VCHAPTER VICHAPTER VIICHAPTER VIIICHAPTER IXCHAPTER XCHAPTER XIAPPENDIXCopyright
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass
PREFACE
In the month of August, 1841, I attended an anti-slavery
convention in Nantucket, at which it was my happiness to become
acquainted withFrederick Douglass, the
writer of the following Narrative. He was a stranger to nearly
every member of that body; but, having recently made his escape
from the southern prison-house of bondage, and feeling his
curiosity excited to ascertain the principles and measures of the
abolitionists,—of whom he had heard a somewhat vague description
while he was a slave,—he was induced to give his attendance, on the
occasion alluded to, though at that time a resident in New
Bedford.Fortunate, most fortunate occurrence!—fortunate for the
millions of his manacled brethren, yet panting for deliverance from
their awful thraldom!—fortunate for the cause of negro
emancipation, and of universal liberty!—fortunate for the land of
his birth, which he has already done so much to save and
bless!—fortunate for a large circle of friends and acquaintances,
whose sympathy and affection he has strongly secured by the many
sufferings he has endured, by his virtuous traits of character, by
his ever-abiding remembrance of those who are in bonds, as being
bound with them!—fortunate for the multitudes, in various parts of
our republic, whose minds he has enlightened on the subject of
slavery, and who have been melted to tears by his pathos, or roused
to virtuous indignation by his stirring eloquence against the
enslavers of men!—fortunate for himself, as it at once brought him
into the field of public usefulness, "gave the world assurance of a
MAN," quickened the slumbering energies of his soul, and
consecrated him to the great work of breaking the rod of the
oppressor, and letting the oppressed go free!I shall never forget his first speech at the convention—the
extraordinary emotion it excited in my own mind—the powerful
impression it created upon a crowded auditory, completely taken by
surprise—the applause which followed from the beginning to the end
of his felicitous remarks. I think I never hated slavery so
intensely as at that moment; certainly, my perception of the
enormous outrage which is inflicted by it, on the godlike nature of
its victims, was rendered far more clear than ever. There stood
one, in physical proportion and stature commanding and exact—in
intellect richly endowed—in natural eloquence a prodigy—in soul
manifestly "created but a little lower than the angels"—yet a
slave, ay, a fugitive slave,—trembling for his safety, hardly
daring to believe that on the American soil, a single white person
could be found who would befriend him at all hazards, for the love
of God and humanity! Capable of high attainments as an intellectual
and moral being—needing nothing but a comparatively small amount of
cultivation to make him an ornament to society and a blessing to
his race—by the law of the land, by the voice of the people, by the
terms of the slave code, he was only a piece of property, a beast
of burden, a chattel personal, nevertheless!A beloved friend from New Bedford prevailed
onMr. Douglassto address the convention:
He came forward to the platform with a hesitancy and embarrassment,
necessarily the attendants of a sensitive mind in such a novel
position. After apologizing for his ignorance, and reminding the
audience that slavery was a poor school for the human intellect and
heart, he proceeded to narrate some of the facts in his own history
as a slave, and in the course of his speech gave utterance to many
noble thoughts and thrilling reflections. As soon as he had taken
his seat, filled with hope and admiration, I rose, and declared
thatPatrick Henry, of revolutionary fame,
never made a speech more eloquent in the cause of liberty, than the
one we had just listened to from the lips of that hunted fugitive.
So I believed at that time—such is my belief now. I reminded the
audience of the peril which surrounded this self-emancipated young
man at the North,—even in Massachusetts, on the soil of the Pilgrim
Fathers, among the descendants of revolutionary sires; and I
appealed to them, whether they would ever allow him to be carried
back into slavery,—law or no law, constitution or no constitution.
The response was unanimous and in thunder-tones—"NO!" "Will you
succor and protect him as a brother-man—a resident of the old Bay
State?" "YES!" shouted the whole mass, with an energy so startling,
that the ruthless tyrants south of Mason and Dixon's line might
almost have heard the mighty burst of feeling, and recognized it as
the pledge of an invincible determination, on the part of those who
gave it, never to betray him that wanders, but to hide the outcast,
and firmly to abide the consequences.It was at once deeply impressed upon my mind, that,
ifMr. Douglasscould be persuaded to
consecrate his time and talents to the promotion of the
anti-slavery enterprise, a powerful impetus would be given to it,
and a stunning blow at the same time inflicted on northern
prejudice against a colored complexion. I therefore endeavored to
instil hope and courage into his mind, in order that he might dare
to engage in a vocation so anomalous and responsible for a person
in his situation; and I was seconded in this effort by warm-hearted
friends, especially by the late General Agent of the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery Society,Mr. John A. Collins,
whose judgment in this instance entirely coincided with my own. At
first, he could give no encouragement; with unfeigned diffidence,
he expressed his conviction that he was not adequate to the
performance of so great a task; the path marked out was wholly an
untrodden one; he was sincerely apprehensive that he should do more
harm than good. After much deliberation, however, he consented to
make a trial; and ever since that period, he has acted as a
lecturing agent, under the auspices either of the American or the
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. In labors he has been most
abundant; and his success in combating prejudice, in gaining
proselytes, in agitating the public mind, has far surpassed the
most sanguine expectations that were raised at the commencement of
his brilliant career. He has borne himself with gentleness and
meekness, yet with true manliness of character. As a public
speaker, he excels in pathos, wit, comparison, imitation, strength
of reasoning, and fluency of language. There is in him that union
of head and heart, which is indispensable to an enlightenment of
the heads and a winning of the hearts of others. May his strength
continue to be equal to his day! May he continue to "grow in grace,
and in the knowledge of God," that he may be increasingly
serviceable in the cause of bleeding humanity, whether at home or
abroad!It is certainly a very remarkable fact, that one of the most
efficient advocates of the slave population, now before the public,
is a fugitive slave, in the person ofFrederick
Douglass; and that the free colored population of the
United States are as ably represented by one of their own number,
in the person ofCharles Lenox Remond,
whose eloquent appeals have extorted the highest applause of
multitudes on both sides of the Atlantic. Let the calumniators of
the colored race despise themselves for their baseness and
illiberality of spirit, and henceforth cease to talk of the natural
inferiority of those who require nothing but time and opportunity
to attain to the highest point of human excellence.It may, perhaps, be fairly questioned, whether any other
portion of the population of the earth could have endured the
privations, sufferings and horrors of slavery, without having
become more degraded in the scale of humanity than the slaves of
African descent. Nothing has been left undone to cripple their
intellects, darken their minds, debase their moral nature,
obliterate all traces of their relationship to mankind; and yet how
wonderfully they have sustained the mighty load of a most frightful
bondage, under which they have been groaning for centuries! To
illustrate the effect of slavery on the white man,—to show that he
has no powers of endurance, in such a condition, superior to those
of his black brother,—Daniel O'connell,
the distinguished advocate of universal emancipation, and the
mightiest champion of prostrate but not conquered Ireland, relates
the following anecdote in a speech delivered by him in the
Conciliation Hall, Dublin, before the Loyal National Repeal
Association, March 31, 1845. "No matter," saidMr.
O'connell, "under what specious term it may disguise
itself, slavery is still hideous.It has a natural, an
inevitable tendency to brutalize every noble faculty of man.An American sailor, who was cast away on the shore of Africa,
where he was kept in slavery for three years, was, at the
expiration of that period, found to be imbruted and stultified—he
had lost all reasoning power; and having forgotten his native
language, could only utter some savage gibberish between Arabic and
English, which nobody could understand, and which even he himself
found difficulty in pronouncing. So much for the humanizing
influence ofThe Domestic Institution!"
Admitting this to have been an extraordinary case of mental
deterioration, it proves at least that the white slave can sink as
low in the scale of humanity as the black one.Mr. Douglasshas very properly chosen to write
his own Narrative, in his own style, and according to the best of
his ability, rather than to employ some one else. It is, therefore,
entirely his own production; and, considering how long and dark was
the career he had to run as a slave,—how few have been his
opportunities to improve his mind since he broke his iron
fetters,—it is, in my judgment, highly creditable to his head and
heart. He who can peruse it without a tearful eye, a heaving
breast, an afflicted spirit,—without being filled with an
unutterable abhorrence of slavery and all its abettors, and
animated with a determination to seek the immediate overthrow of
that execrable system,—without trembling for the fate of this
country in the hands of a righteous God, who is ever on the side of
the oppressed, and whose arm is not shortened that it cannot
save,—must have a flinty heart, and be qualified to act the part of
a trafficker "in slaves and the souls of men." I am confident that
it is essentially true in all its statements; that nothing has been
set down in malice, nothing exaggerated, nothing drawn from the
imagination; that it comes short of the reality, rather than
overstates a single fact in regard toslavery as it
is. The experience ofFrederick
Douglass, as a slave, was not a peculiar one; his lot
was not especially a hard one; his case may be regarded as a very
fair specimen of the treatment of slaves in Maryland, in which
State it is conceded that they are better fed and less cruelly
treated than in Georgia, Alabama, or Louisiana. Many have suffered
incomparably more, while very few on the plantations have suffered
less, than himself. Yet how deplorable was his situation! what
terrible chastisements were inflicted upon his person! what still
more shocking outrages were perpetrated upon his mind! with all his
noble powers and sublime aspirations, how like a brute was he
treated, even by those professing to have the same mind in them
that was in Christ Jesus! to what dreadful liabilities was he
continually subjected! how destitute of friendly counsel and aid,
even in his greatest extremities! how heavy was the midnight of woe
which shrouded in blackness the last ray of hope, and filled the
future with terror and gloom! what longings after freedom took
possession of his breast, and how his misery augmented, in
proportion as he grew reflective and intelligent,—thus
demonstrating that a happy slave is an extinct man! how he thought,
reasoned, felt, under the lash of the driver, with the chains upon
his limbs! what perils he encountered in his endeavors to escape
from his horrible doom! and how signal have been his deliverance
and preservation in the midst of a nation of pitiless
enemies!This Narrative contains many affecting incidents, many
passages of great eloquence and power; but I think the most
thrilling one of them all is the
descriptionDouglassgives of his
feelings, as he stood soliloquizing respecting his fate, and the
chances of his one day being a freeman, on the banks of the
Chesapeake Bay—viewing the receding vessels as they flew with their
white wings before the breeze, and apostrophizing them as animated
by the living spirit of freedom. Who can read that passage, and be
insensible to its pathos and sublimity? Compressed into it is a
whole Alexandrian library of thought, feeling, and sentiment—all
that can, all that need be urged, in the form of expostulation,
entreaty, rebuke, against that crime of crimes,—making man the
property of his fellow-man! O, how accursed is that system, which
entombs the godlike mind of man, defaces the divine image, reduces
those who by creation were crowned with glory and honor to a level
with four-footed beasts, and exalts the dealer in human flesh above
all that is called God! Why should its existence be prolonged one
hour? Is it not evil, only evil, and that continually? What does
its presence imply but the absence of all fear of God, all regard
for man, on the part of the people of the United States? Heaven
speed its eternal overthrow!So profoundly ignorant of the nature of slavery are many
persons, that they are stubbornly incredulous whenever they read or
listen to any recital of the cruelties which are daily inflicted on
its victims. They do not deny that the slaves are held as property;
but that terrible fact seems to convey to their minds no idea of
injustice, exposure to outrage, or savage barbarity. Tell them of
cruel scourgings, of mutilations and brandings, of scenes of
pollution and blood, of the banishment of all light and knowledge,
and they affect to be greatly indignant at such enormous
exaggerations, such wholesale misstatements, such abominable libels
on the character of the southern planters! As if all these direful
outrages were not the natural results of slavery! As if it were
less cruel to reduce a human being to the condition of a thing,
than to give him a severe flagellation, or to deprive him of
necessary food and clothing! As if whips, chains, thumb-screws,
paddles, blood-hounds, overseers, drivers, patrols, were not all
indispensable to keep the slaves down, and to give protection to
their ruthless oppressors! As if, when the marriage institution is
abolished, concubinage, adultery, and incest, must not necessarily
abound; when all the rights of humanity are annihilated, any
barrier remains to protect the victim from the fury of the spoiler;
when absolute power is assumed over life and liberty, it will not
be wielded with destructive sway! Skeptics of this character abound
in society. In some few instances, their incredulity arises from a
want of reflection; but, generally, it indicates a hatred of the
light, a desire to shield slavery from the assaults of its foes, a
contempt of the colored race, whether bond or free. Such will try
to discredit the shocking tales of slaveholding cruelty which are
recorded in this truthful Narrative; but they will labor in
vain.Mr. Douglasshas frankly disclosed
the place of his birth, the names of those who claimed ownership in
his body and soul, and the names also of those who committed the
crimes which he has alleged against them. His statements,
therefore, may easily be disproved, if they are
untrue.In the course of his Narrative, he relates two instances of
murderous cruelty,—in one of which a planter deliberately shot a
slave belonging to a neighboring plantation, who had
unintentionally gotten within his lordly domain in quest of fish;
and in the other, an overseer blew out the brains of a slave who
had fled to a stream of water to escape a bloody
scourging.Mr. Douglassstates that in
neither of these instances was any thing done by way of legal
arrest or judicial investigation. The Baltimore American, of March
17, 1845, relates a similar case of atrocity, perpetrated with
similar impunity—as follows:—"Shooting a
slave.—We learn, upon the authority of a letter from
Charles county, Maryland, received by a gentleman of this city,
that a young man, named Matthews, a nephew of General Matthews, and
whose father, it is believed, holds an office at Washington, killed
one of the slaves upon his father's farm by shooting him. The
letter states that young Matthews had been left in charge of the
farm; that he gave an order to the servant, which was disobeyed,
when he proceeded to the house,obtained a gun, and,
returning, shot the servant.He immediately, the letter
continues, fled to his father's residence, where he still remains
unmolested."—Let it never be forgotten, that no slaveholder or
overseer can be convicted of any outrage perpetrated on the person
of a slave, however diabolical it may be, on the testimony of
colored witnesses, whether bond or free. By the slave code, they
are adjudged to be as incompetent to testify against a white man,
as though they were indeed a part of the brute creation. Hence,
there is no legal protection in fact, whatever there may be in
form, for the slave population; and any amount of cruelty may be
inflicted on them with impunity. Is it possible for the human mind
to conceive of a more horrible state of society?The effect of a religious profession on the conduct of
southern masters is vividly described in the following Narrative,
and shown to be any thing but salutary. In the nature of the case,
it must be in the highest degree pernicious. The testimony
ofMr. Douglass, on this point, is
sustained by a cloud of witnesses, whose veracity is unimpeachable.
"A slaveholder's profession of Christianity is a palpable
imposture. He is a felon of the highest grade. He is a man-stealer.
It is of no importance what you put in the other
scale."Reader! are you with the man-stealers in sympathy and
purpose, or on the side of their down-trodden victims? If with the
former, then are you the foe of God and man. If with the latter,
what are you prepared to do and dare in their behalf? Be faithful,
be vigilant, be untiring in your efforts to break every yoke, and
let the oppressed go free. Come what may—cost what it may—inscribe
on the banner which you unfurl to the breeze, as your religious and
political motto—"NO COMPROMISE WITH SLAVERY! NO UNION WITH
SLAVEHOLDERS!"WM. LLOYD GARRISON BOSTON,
LETTER FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS
My Dear Friend:You remember the old fable of "The Man and the Lion," where
the lion complained that he should not be so misrepresented "when
the lions wrote history."I am glad the time has come when the "lions write history."
We have been left long enough to gather the character of slavery
from the involuntary evidence of the masters. One might, indeed,
rest sufficiently satisfied with what, it is evident, must be, in
general, the results of such a relation, without seeking farther to
find whether they have followed in every instance. Indeed, those
who stare at the half-peck of corn a week, and love to count the
lashes on the slave's back, are seldom the "stuff" out of which
reformers and abolitionists are to be made. I remember that, in
1838, many were waiting for the results of the West India
experiment, before they could come into our ranks. Those "results"
have come long ago; but, alas! few of that number have come with
them, as converts. A man must be disposed to judge of emancipation
by other tests than whether it has increased the produce of
sugar,—and to hate slavery for other reasons than because it
starves men and whips women,—before he is ready to lay the first
stone of his anti-slavery life.I was glad to learn, in your story, how early the most
neglected of God's children waken to a sense of their rights, and
of the injustice done them. Experience is a keen teacher; and long
before you had mastered your A B C, or knew where the "white sails"
of the Chesapeake were bound, you began, I see, to gauge the
wretchedness of the slave, not by his hunger and want, not by his
lashes and toil, but by the cruel and blighting death which gathers
over his soul.In connection with this, there is one circumstance which
makes your recollections peculiarly valuable, and renders your
early insight the more remarkable. You come from that part of the
country where we are told slavery appears with its fairest
features. Let us hear, then, what it is at its best estate—gaze on
its bright side, if it has one; and then imagination may task her
powers to add dark lines to the picture, as she travels southward
to that (for the colored man) Valley of the Shadow of Death, where
the Mississippi sweeps along.Again, we have known you long, and can put the most entire
confidence in your truth, candor, and sincerity. Every one who has
heard you speak has felt, and, I am confident, every one who reads
your book will feel, persuaded that you give them a fair specimen
of the whole truth. No one-sided portrait,—no wholesale
complaints,—but strict justice done, whenever individual kindliness
has neutralized, for a moment, the deadly system with which it was
strangely allied. You have been with us, too, some years, and can
fairly compare the twilight of rights, which your race enjoy at the
North, with that "noon of night" under which they labor south of
Mason and Dixon's line. Tell us whether, after all, the half-free
colored man of Massachusetts is worse off than the pampered slave
of the rice swamps!In reading your life, no one can say that we have unfairly
picked out some rare specimens of cruelty. We know that the bitter
drops, which even you have drained from the cup, are no incidental
aggravations, no individual ills, but such as must mingle always
and necessarily in the lot of every slave. They are the essential
ingredients, not the occasional results, of the
system.After all, I shall read your book with trembling for you.
Some years ago, when you were beginning to tell me your real name
and birthplace, you may remember I stopped you, and preferred to
remain ignorant of all. With the exception of a vague description,
so I continued, till the other day, when you read me your memoirs.
I hardly knew, at the time, whether to thank you or not for the
sight of them, when I reflected that it was still dangerous, in
Massachusetts, for honest men to tell their names! They say the
fathers, in 1776, signed the Declaration of Independence with the
halter about their necks. You, too, publish your declaration of
freedom with danger compassing you around. In all the broad lands
which the Constitution of the United States overshadows, there is
no single spot,—however narrow or desolate,—where a fugitive slave
can plant himself and say, "I am safe." The whole armory of
Northern Law has no shield for you. I am free to say that, in your
place, I should throw the MS. into the fire.You, perhaps, may tell your story in safety, endeared as you
are to so many warm hearts by rare gifts, and a still rarer
devotion of them to the service of others. But it will be owing
only to your labors, and the fearless efforts of those who,
trampling the laws and Constitution of the country under their
feet, are determined that they will "hide the outcast," and that
their hearths shall be, spite of the law, an asylum for the
oppressed, if, some time or other, the humblest may stand in our
streets, and bear witness in safety against the cruelties of which
he has been the victim.