CHAPTER I.
CHAP. II.
CHAP. III.
CHAP. IV.
CHAP. V.
CHAP. VI.
CHAP. VII.
CHAP. VIII.
CHAP. IX
CHAP. X.
CHAP. XI.
CHAP. XII.
To
the Lords Spiritual and Temporal,
and the
Commons of the Parliamentof
Great Britain.
My
Lords and Gentlemen,Permit
me, with the greatest deference and respect, to lay at your feet
the
following genuine Narrative; the chief design of which is to excite
in your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the miseries
which the Slave-Trade has entailed on my unfortunate countrymen. By
the horrors of that trade was I first torn away from all the tender
connexions that were naturally dear to my heart; but these, through
the mysterious ways of Providence, I ought to regard as infinitely
more than compensated by the introduction I have thence obtained to
the knowledge of the Christian religion, and of a nation which, by
its liberal sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of its
government, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has exalted
the
dignity of human nature.I
am sensible I ought to entreat your pardon for addressing to you a
work so wholly devoid of literary merit; but, as the production of
an
unlettered African, who is actuated by the hope of becoming an
instrument towards the relief of his suffering countrymen, I trust
that such a man,
pleading in such a
cause, will be
acquitted of boldness and presumption.May
the God of heaven inspire your hearts with peculiar benevolence on
that important day when the question of Abolition is to be
discussed,
when thousands, in consequence of your Determination, are to look
for
Happiness or Misery!I
am, My
Lords and Gentlemen, Your
most obedient, And
devoted humble servant, Olaudah
Equiano,or Gustavus
Vassa.Union-Street,
Mary-le-bone,March
24, 1789.
CHAPTER I.
The
author's account of his country, and their manners and
customs—Administration of justice—Embrenche—Marriage ceremony,
and public entertainments—Mode of living—Dress—Manufactures
Buildings—Commerce—Agriculture—War and religion—Superstition
of the natives—Funeral ceremonies of the priests or
magicians—Curious mode of discovering poison—Some hints
concerning the origin of the author's countrymen, with the opinions
of different writers on that subject.
I
believe it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to
escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage
under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is
uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are
apt
to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with
impertinence. People generally think those memoirs only worthy to
be
read or remembered which abound in great or striking events, those,
in short, which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity:
all others they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore,
I
confess, not a little hazardous in a private and obscure
individual,
and a stranger too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the
public; especially when I own I offer here the history of neither a
saint, a hero, nor a tyrant. I believe there are few events in my
life, which have not happened to many: it is true the incidents of
it
are numerous; and, did I consider myself an European, I might say
my
sufferings were great: but when I compare my lot with that of most
of
my countrymen, I regard myself as a
particular favourite of Heaven,
and acknowledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my
life. If then the following narrative does not appear sufficiently
interesting to engage general attention, let my motive be some
excuse
for its publication. I am not so foolishly vain as to expect from
it
either immortality or literary reputation. If it affords any
satisfaction to my numerous friends, at whose request it has been
written, or in the smallest degree promotes the interests of
humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully
attained, and every wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be
remembered, that, in wishing to avoid censure, I do not aspire to
praise.That
part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade for
slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,
from
the Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of these
the most considerable is the kingdom of Benen, both as to extent
and
wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its
king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. It
is situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast
about
170 miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to a
distance hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems
only terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500
miles
from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or
districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called
Eboe, I was born, in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful vale,
named Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of
Benin
and the sea coast must be very considerable; for I had never heard
of
white men or Europeans, nor of the sea: and our subjection to the
king of Benin was little more than nominal; for every transaction
of
the government, as far as my slender observation extended, was
conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and
government of a people who have little commerce with other
countries
are generally very simple; and the history of what passes in one
family or village may serve as a specimen of a nation. My father
was
one of those elders or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled
Embrenche; a term, as I remember, importing the highest
distinction,
and signifying in our language a
mark of grandeur.
This mark is conferred on the person entitled to it, by cutting the
skin across at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to the
eye-brows; and while it is in this situation applying a warm hand,
and rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick
weal across the
lower part of the forehead. Most of the judges and senators were
thus
marked; my father had long born it: I had seen it conferred on one
of
my brothers, and I was also
destined to receive
it by my parents. Those Embrence, or chief men, decided disputes
and
punished crimes; for which purpose they always assembled together.
The proceedings were generally short; and in most cases the law of
retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought before my
father,
and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and, although he was
the
son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to make recompense by a
man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was sometimes punished with
slavery or death; a punishment which I believe is inflicted on it
throughout most of the nations of Africa[A]:
so sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so
jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I
recollect
an instance:—a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery,
and delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be
punished.
Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it being found,
just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast;
and
no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was
spared on account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve
the
same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for
they
indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode
of
marriage is thus:—both parties are usually betrothed when young by
their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth
themselves).
On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom
stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for
the
purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as
his wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her.
This is also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the
bride retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought
home
to her husband, and then another feast is made, to which the
relations of both parties are invited: her parents then deliver her
to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at
the
same time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness
of a goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to
wear:
she is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the
dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of
portions of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and
implements
of husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties;
besides which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those
of
the bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but
after it she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The
ceremony being now ended the festival begins, which is celebrated
with bonefires, and loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with
music
and dancing.We
are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every
great event, such as a triumphant return from battle, or other
cause
of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances, which are
accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The
assembly
is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in
succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first
division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently
exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. To these
succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The
young men occupy the third; and the maidens the fourth. Each
represents some interesting scene of real life, such as a great
achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story, or some rural
sport; and as the subject is generally founded on some recent
event,
it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a spirit and
variety
which I have scarcely seen elsewhere[B].
We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of different
kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and another much
like a stickado. These last are chiefly used by betrothed virgins,
who play on them on all grand festivals.As
our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both
sexes
is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of
callico,
or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the form of
a
highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our favourite
colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer
than
any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of distinction
wear golden ornaments; which they dispose with some profusion on
their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with the men
in
tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving cotton,
which
they afterwards dye, and make it into garments. They also
manufacture
earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among the rest
tobacco
pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the same manner, as
those in Turkey[C].Our
manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are
unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the
taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of
their food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the
country, and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is
usually
stewed in a pan; to make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper,
and
other spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables
are
mostly plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of
the family usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have also their
separate tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands:
indeed our cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it
is
an indispensable ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by
pouring out a small portion of the food, in a certain place, for
the
spirits of departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside
over their conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally
unacquainted with strong or spirituous liquours; and their
principal
beverage is palm wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by
tapping it at the top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and
sometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night.
When
just drawn it is of a most delicious sweetness; but in a few days
it
acquires a tartish and more spirituous flavour: though I never saw
any one intoxicated by it. The same tree also produces nuts and
oil.
Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one sort of these is an
odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth;
a
small portion of which thrown into the fire diffuses a most
powerful
odour[D].
We beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which
both men and women perfume themselves.In
our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each
master
of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with a
moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered;
which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to
accommodate his family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently
present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the
principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and
consisting of two apartments; in one of which he sits in the day
with
his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his
friends.
He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps,
together with his male children. On each side are the apartments of
his wives, who have also their separate day and night houses. The
habitations of the slaves and their families are distributed
throughout the rest of the enclosure. These houses never exceed one
story in height: they are always built of wood, or stakes driven
into
the ground, crossed with wattles, and neatly plastered within, and
without. The roof is thatched with reeds. Our day-houses are left
open at the sides; but those in which we sleep are always covered,
and plastered in the inside, with a composition mixed with
cow-dung,
to keep off the different insects, which annoy us during the night.
The walls and floors also of these are generally covered with mats.
Our beds consist of a platform, raised three or four feet from the
ground, on which are laid skins, and different parts of a spungy
tree
called plaintain. Our covering is calico or muslin, the same as our
dress. The usual seats are a few logs of wood; but we have benches,
which are generally perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these
compose
the greater part of our household furniture. Houses so constructed
and furnished require but little skill to erect them. Every man is
a
sufficient architect for the purpose. The whole neighbourhood
afford
their unanimous assistance in building them and in return receive,
and expect no other recompense than a feast.As
we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our
wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few
manufactures. They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthern
ware, ornaments, and instruments of war and husbandry. But these
make
no part of our commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have
observed, are provisions. In such a state money is of little use;
however we have some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such.
They are made something like an anchor; but I do not remember
either
their value or denomination. We have also markets, at which I have
been frequently with my mother. These are sometimes visited by
stout
mahogany-coloured men from the south west of us: we call them
Oye-Eboe, which term signifies red men living at a distance. They
generally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried
fish.
The last we esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks
and springs. These articles they barter with us for odoriferous
woods
and earth, and our salt of wood ashes. They always carry slaves
through our land; but the strictest account is exacted of their
manner of procuring them before they are suffered to pass.
Sometimes
indeed we sold slaves to them, but they were only prisoners of war,
or such among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery,
and some other crimes, which we esteemed heinous. This practice of
kidnapping induces me to think, that, notwithstanding all our
strictness, their principal business among us was to trepan our
people. I remember too they carried great sacks along with them,
which not long after I had an opportunity of fatally seeing applied
to that infamous purpose.Our
land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of
vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and
vast quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without
culture; they are about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and
finely flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds,
particularly pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have
never seen in Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and
honey
in abundance. All our industry is exerted to improve those
blessings
of nature. Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even
the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all
habituated
to labour from our earliest years. Every one contributes something
to
the common stock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have
no beggars. The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The
West India planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe to those of
any other part of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence,
integrity, and zeal. Those benefits are felt by us in the general
healthiness of the people, and in their vigour and activity; I
might
have added too in their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown
amongst us, I mean that of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe
now
in London might be brought in support of this assertion: for, in
regard to complexion, ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I
remember
while in Africa to have seen three negro children, who were tawny,
and another quite white, who were universally regarded by myself,
and
the natives in general, as far as related to their complexions, as
deformed. Our women too were in my eyes at least uncommonly
graceful,
alert, and modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I remember to
have ever heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before
marriage. They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulness
and
affability are two of the leading characteristics of our
nation.Our
tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk
from
our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body.
They
use no beasts of husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes,
axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we
are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken
the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but
when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or
two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war;
and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not
only go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear
of a surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the
avenues to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground,
which
are so sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally
dipt
in poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear
to
have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other,
to
obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by
those
traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such
a
mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe more
are
procured this way, and by kidnapping, than any other[E].
When a trader wants slaves, he applies to a chief for them, and
tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this
occasion he yields to the temptation with as little firmness, and
accepts the price of his fellow creatures liberty with as little
reluctance as the enlightened merchant. Accordingly he falls on his
neighbours, and a desperate battle ensues. If he prevails and takes
prisoners, he gratifies his avarice by selling them; but, if his
party be vanquished, and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he
is
put to death: for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels,
it
is thought dangerous to let him survive, and no ransom can save
him,
though all other prisoners may be redeemed. We have fire-arms, bows
and arrows, broad two-edged swords and javelins: we have shields
also
which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the use of
these
weapons; even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight
along with the men. Our whole district is a kind of militia: on a
certain signal given, such as the firing of a gun at night, they
all
rise in arms and rush upon their enemy. It is perhaps something
remarkable, that when our people march to the field a red flag or
banner is borne before them. I was once a witness to a battle in
our
common. We had been all at work in it one day as usual, when our
people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree at some distance,
from which I beheld the fight. There were many women as well as men
on both sides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a
broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with great
fury,
and after many had been killed our people obtained the victory, and
took their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in great
triumph, and, though he offered a large ransom for his life, he was
put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in
the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our
trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according
to
the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or
redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition
from that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more
work than other members of the community, even their masters; their
food, clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, (except
that they were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born);
and there was scarce any other difference between them, than a
superior degree of importance which the head of a family possesses
in
our state, and that authority which, as such, he exercises over
every
part of his household. Some of these slaves have even slaves under
them as their own property, and for their own use.As
to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all
things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a
belt
that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a
pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs
events, especially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the
doctrine
of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some
however
believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those
spirits, which are not transmigrated, such as our dear friends or
relations, they believe always attend them, and guard them from the
bad spirits or their foes. For this reason they always before
eating,
as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat, and pour
some
of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make
oblations
of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of
my mother, and almost constantly with her. When she went to make
these oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small
solitary thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made
her
libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I
have been often extremely terrified on these occasions. The
loneliness of the place, the darkness of the night, and the
ceremony
of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my
mother's lamentations; and these, concuring with the cries of
doleful
birds, by which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible
terror to the scene.We
compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line,
and
on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughout the
land; at least I can speak from my own knowledge throughout our
vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with
rattles, not unlike the basket rattles used by children here,
though
much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It
is
then the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our
wise men foretel will be fortunate are then presented to different
people. I remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried
about to others for that purpose. They have many offerings,
particularly at full moons; generally two at harvest before the
fruits are taken out of the ground: and when any young animals are
killed, sometimes they offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These
offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family, serve for the
whole. I remember we often had them at my father's and my uncle's,
and their families have been present. Some of our offerings are
eaten
with bitter herbs. We had a saying among us to any one of a cross
temper, 'That if they were to be eaten, they should be eaten with
bitter herbs.'We
practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts
on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also,
our
children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied
foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named
Olaudah, which, in
our language, signifies vicissitude or fortune also, one favoured,
and having a loud voice and well spoken. I remember we never
polluted
the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was
always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally
unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and
reproach
which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of
more civilized people. The only expressions of that kind I remember
were 'May you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take
you.'I
have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are
extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a
part
of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings;
indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my
recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Those that touched the
dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before
they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at certain
times,
was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person,
or
any thing we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from
her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence
of which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little house
made for that purpose, till offering was made, and then we were
purified.Though
we had no places of public worship, we had priests and magicians,
or
wise men. I do not remember whether they had different offices, or
whether they were united in the same persons, but they were held in
great reverence by the people. They calculated our time, and
foretold
events, as their name imported, for we called them
Ah-affoe-way-cah,
which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called
Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they were
succeeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of
value
were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put into
the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and
ornamented,
and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None accompanied
their
funerals but those of the same profession or tribe. These buried
them
after sunset, and always returned from the grave by a different way
from that which they went.These
magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised
bleeding by cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and
expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of
discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no
doubt they derived from their unbounded influence over the
credulity
and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those
methods
were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two,
which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as
it
may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest, and is still used by
the
negroes in the West Indies. A virgin had been poisoned, but it was
not known by whom: the doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by
some persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had
raised it on their shoulders, they seemed seized with some[F]
sudden impulse, and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. At
last, after having passed through a number of thorns and prickly
bushes unhurt, the corpse fell from them close to a house, and
defaced it in the fall; and, the owner being taken up, he
immediately
confessed the poisoning[G].The
natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any
eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew
him
it is not poisoned; and the same is done when any meat or drink is
presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of
different
kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our
houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous
snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and
in
colour resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times
into my mother's night-house, where I always lay with her, and
coiled
themselves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was
desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be
interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite
harmless, and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and
then
they were put into a large open earthen pan, and set on one side of
the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were poisonous: one of
them
crossed the road one day when I was standing on it, and passed
between my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise
of many who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise
men, and therefore by my mother and the rest of the people, as
remarkable omens in my favour.Such
is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the
manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath.
And here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very
forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch,
imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs
of
my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land
of
Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in
that
pastoral state which is described in Genesis—an analogy, which
alone would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from
the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his
commentary on Genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the
Africans
from Afer and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife
and concubine (for both these titles are applied to her). It is
also
conformable to the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of
Sarum, in his Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors
concur in ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of these
gentlemen are still further confirmed by the scripture chronology;
and if any further corroboration were required, this resemblance in
so many respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion.
Like
the Israelites in their primitive state, our government was
conducted
by our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and the head of a
family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with
that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law
of retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them:
and
even their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its
glory,
though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud
with
which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for
we
had our circumcision (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we
had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and
purifications, on the same occasions as they had.As
to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the
modern
Jews, I shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject which
has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is far
above my strength. The most able and Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson,
however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of
the
Human Species, has ascertained the cause, in a manner that at once
solves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at least,
has
produced the fullest conviction. I shall therefore refer to that
performance for the theory[H],
contenting myself with extracting a fact as related by Dr.
Mitchel[I].
"The Spaniards, who have inhabited America, under the torrid
zone, for any time, are become as dark coloured as our native
Indians
of Virginia; of which
I myself have been a witness."
There is also another instance[J]
of a Portuguese settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona;
where
the inhabitants are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese
discoverers with the natives, and are now become in their
complexion,
and in the woolly quality of their hair,
perfect negroes,
retaining however a smattering of the Portuguese language.These
instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while they
shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in different
climates, it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that
some
conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour.
Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their
complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent
inferiority of an African may be ascribed, without limiting the
goodness of God, and supposing he forbore to stamp understanding on
certainly his own image, because "carved in ebony." Might
it not naturally be ascribed to their situation? When they come
among
Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners,
and customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they
treated as men? Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and
extinguish all its fire and every noble sentiment? But, above all,
what advantages do not a refined people possess over those who are
rude and uncultivated. Let the polished and haughty European
recollect that his ancestors were once, like the Africans,
uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature make
them inferior to
their sons? and should
they too have been
made slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections
as
these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the
wants
and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to
acknowledge,
that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when
they look round the world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered
with benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, "who hath made
of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the
earth[K];
and whose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his
ways."FOOTNOTES:[A]
See Benezet's "Account of Guinea" throughout.[B]
When I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks dance after
this manner.[C]
The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a long reed is
fixed
as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be born by one, and
frequently out of grandeur by two boys.[D]
When I was in Smyrna I saw the same kind of earth, and brought some
of it with me to England; it resembles musk in strength, but is
more
delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a rose.[E]
See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout.[F]
See also Leut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123.[G]
An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the West Indies
in
the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming Sally, Capt.
Doran.—The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and some of the crew being
one day on shore, were present at the burying of a poisoned negro
girl. Though they had often heard of the circumstance of the
running
in such cases, and had even seen it, they imagined it to be a trick
of the corpse-bearers. The mate therefore desired two of the
sailors
to take up the coffin, and carry it to the grave. The sailors, who
were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed; but they had scarcely
raised it to their shoulders, before they began to run furiously
about, quite unable to direct themselves, till, at last, without
intention, they came to the hut of him who had poisoned the girl.
The
coffin then immediately fell from their shoulders against the hut,
and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken into
custody on this, and confessed the poisoning.—I give this story as
it was related by the mate and crew on their return to the ship.
The
credit which is due to it I leave with the reader.[H]
Page 178 to 216.[I]
Philos. Trans. Nº 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr. Clarkson, p.
205.[J]
Same page.[K]
Acts, c. xvii. v. 26.