The Last Day of a condemned Man - victor hugo - E-Book

The Last Day of a condemned Man E-Book

Victor Hugo

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Beschreibung

"Before hearing my death sentence I was aware that my lungs breathed, that my heart beat, and that my body lived in the community of other men; now, I plainly saw that a barrier had sprung up between them and me. Nothing was the same as before." The imprisoned narrator of this profoundly moving novel awaits execution—and waits, and waits. Although his guilt is undeniable, his essential humanity emerges as he struggles with the certainty of impending death.
Victor Hugo's impassioned early work carries the same power and universality as Les Misérables. A vocal opponent to the barbarity of the guillotine, Hugo attempted to arouse compassion in the service of justice. This tale distills his beliefs and offers a highly significant contribution to the ongoing debate over the death penalty. A new Foreword by activist David Dow examines the message and relevance of Hugo's story to modern society.

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Table of Contents

 

Preface to the 1832 Edition

A Comedy Apropos of a Tragedy

A Salon

The Last Day of a Condemned Man

I.

Bicêtre

ii

iii.

iv.

V.

vi.

vii.

viii.

ix.

X.

xi.

xii.

xiii.

xiv

xv.

xvi.

xvii.

xviii

xix.

xx

xxi

xxii.

In the Conciergerie

xxiii

xxiv

xxv.

xxvi

xxvii

xxviii

xxix

xxx.

xxxi

xxxii.

xxxiii.

xxxiv.

xxxv.

xxxvi.

xxxvii.

xxxviii.

xxxix.

xl.

xli.

xlii.

xliii.

xliv.

xlv.

xlvi.

xlvii.

My History.

xlviii

xlix

FourO’clock.

 

The Last Day of a condemned Man

Victor Hugo

Preface to the 1832 Edition

At the head of the earlier editions of this work, published at first without the name of the author, there was nothing but the following lines.

“There are two ways of accounting for the existence ofthis work. Either there really has been found a bundle of yellow, ragged, papers, on which were inscribed, exactly as they came, the last thoughts of a wretched being; or else there has been a man, a dreamer, occupied in observing nature for the advantageof art, a philosopher, a poet, who, having been seized with these forcible ideas, could not rest until he had given them the tangible form of a volume. Of these two explanations, the reader will choose that which he prefers.”

As is seen, at the time when this book was first published, the author did not deem fit to give publicity to the full extent of his thoughts. He preferred waiting to see whether the work would be fully understood. It has been. The author may now, therefore, unmask the political and social ideas, which he wished to render popular under this harmless literary guise. He avows openly, thatThe Last Day of a Condemnedis only a pleading, direct or indirect, as is preferred, for the abolition of the penalty of death. His design herein and what he would wish posterity to see in his work, if its attention should ever be given to so slight a production, is, not to make out the special defense of any particular criminal, such defense being transitory as it is easy; he would plead generally and permanently for all accused persons, present and future; it is the great point of human right, stated and pleaded before society at large, that highest judicial court; it is the sombre and fatal question which breathes obscurely in the depths of each capitaloffense, under the triple envelopes of pathos in which legal eloquence wraps them; it is the question of life and death, I say, laid bare, denuded and despoiled of the sonorous twistings of the bar, revealed in daylight, and placed where it should be seen;in its true and hideous position, not in the law courts, but on the scaffold, not among the judges, but with the executioner!

This is what he has desired to effect. If futurity should award him the glory of having succeeded, which he dares not hope, he desires no other crown.

He proclaims and repeats it, then, in the name of all accused persons, innocent or guilty, before all courts, all juries, and ail judges. And in order that his pleading should be as universal as his cause, he has been careful, while writingThe Last Day of a Condemned, to omit anything of a special, individual, contingent, relative, or modifiable nature, as also any episode, anecdote, known event, or real name, keeping to the limit (if“limit” it may be termed!) of pleading the cause of any condemned prisoner whatever, executed at any time, for any offense. Happy if, with no other aid than his thoughts, he has mined sufficiently into the subject to make a heart bleed, under theœs triplexof a magistrate! Happy if he could render merciful those who consider themselves just! Happy if, penetrating sufficiently deep within the judge, he has sometimes reached the man.

Three years ago, when this book first appeared, some people thought it was worth while to dispute the authorship! Some asserted that it was an English book, and others that it was an American book. What a singular mania there is for seeking the origin of matters at a great distance; trying to trace from the source of the Nile, the streamlet which washes one’s street. Alas! thiswork is neither English, neither American nor Chinese. The author found the idea ofThe Last Day of a Condemned, not in a book, for he is not accustomed to seek his ideas so far afield, but where you all might find it, where perhaps you may all have foundit, (for who is there that has not reflected and had reveries ofThe Last Day of a Condemned,) there, on the public walk, on thePlace de Grève.

It was there, while passing casually during an execution, that this forcible idea occurred to him; and, since then, after those funereal Thursdays of the Court of Cassation, which send forth through Paris the intelligence of an approaching execution, the hoarse voices of the spectators going to theGrève, as they hurried past his windows, filled his mind with the prolonged misery of the person about to suffer, which he pictured to himself from hour to hour, according to what he conceived was its actual progress. It was a torture which commenced from daybreak and lasted, like that of the miserable being who was tortured at the same moment, untilfour o’clock. Then only, when once theponens caput expiravitwas announced by the heavy toll of the clock bell, he breathed. again freely, and regained comparative peace of mind. Finally, one day, he thinks it was after the execution of Ulbach, he commenced writing this work; and since then he has felt relieved. When one of those public crimes, called legal executions, are committed, his conscience now acquits him of participation therein.

All this, however, is not sufficient;it is well to be freed from self-accusation, but it would be still better to endeavor to save human life.

Also, he does not know any aim more elevated, more holy, than that of seeking the abolition of capital punishment; with sincere devotion he joins thewishes and efforts of those philanthropic men of all nations, who have labored, of late years, to throw down patibulary tree, the only tree which revolution fails to uproot! It is with pleasure that hetakes his turn, to give his feeble stroke, after theall-powerful blow which, sixty-seven years ago, Beccaria gave to the ancient gibbet which had been standing during so many centuries of Christianity.

We have just said that the scaffold is the only edifice which revolutions do not demolish. It is rare indeed that revolutions are temperate in spilling blood; and although they are sent to prune, to lop, to reform society, the punishment of death is a branch which they have never removed!

We own, however, if any revolution ever appeared to us capable and worthy of abolishing capital punishment, it was the revolution of July. It seemed, indeed, as if it belonged to the merciful popular rising of modern times to erase the barbarous enactments of Louis XI., of Richelieu, and of Robespierre, and to inscribe at thehead of the code the inviolability of human life! 1830 was worthy of breaking the axe of ‘93.

At one time we really hoped for it. In August, 1830, there seemed so much generosity afloat, such a spirit of gentleness and civilization in the multitude, that we almost fancied the punishment of death was abolished, by a tacit and unanimous consent, with the rest of the evils which had oppressed us. For some weeks confiding and credulous, we had faith in the inviolability of life, for the future, as in the inviolability of liberty.

And, indeed, two months had scarcely passed, when an attempt was made to resolve into a legal reality the sublime Utopia of Cæsar Bonesana.

Unfortunately this attempt was awkward, imperfect, almost hypocritical; and made in a differentspirit from the general interest.

It was in the month of October, 1830, as may be remembered;some days after France had been startled by the proposition to bury Napoleon under the column, that the question of capital punishment was brought before the Chamber, and discussed with much talent, energy, and apparent feeling. During two days, there was a continued succession of impressive eloquence on this momentous subject.

And what was the subject? — to abolish the punishment of death?

Yes, and No!

Here is thetruth:

Four men of the world, four persons well known in society,1had attempted, in the higher range of politics, one of those daring strokes which Bacon callscrimes, and which Machiavel callsenterprises. Well! crime or enterprise — the law, brutal for all, would punish it by death; and the four unfortunates were prisoners, legal captives guarded bythree hundred tri-colored cockades, under the fine ogives at Vincennes. What wasnow to be done? You understand the impossibility of sending to theGrève, in a common cart, ignobly bound with coarse ropes, seated back to back with that functionary who must not be named — four men of our own rank,-“four men of the world!”

Still, ifthere had even been a mahogany guillotine!

Well, to settle the matter, they need only abolish the punishment of death!

And thereupon the Chamber set to work!

Notice, gentlemen, that only yesterday they had treated this abolition as Utopian, as a theory, adream, a poetic folly. This was not the first time that an endeavor had been made to draw their attention to the cart, the coarse ropes, and the fatal machine. How strange it is, that these hideous details suddenly acquired such sudden force in their minds!

Bah! they had good reason to be excited, it was not on account of the general good that they sought to abolish capital punishment; but for their own sakes — as Deputies, who might become Ministers. And thus an alloy of egotism alters and destroys thefairest social combinations. It is the dark vein in marble, which, crossing everywhere, comes forth at each moment unexpectedly under the chisel!

It is surely unnecessary for us to declare that we were not among those who desired the death of the four ministers. When once they were imprisoned, the indignant anger we had felt at their attempt, changed with us as with every one else, into profound pity. We reflected on the prejudices of education of some among them; on the ill-developed head of their chief, fanatic and obstinate relapse of the conspiracies of 1804, whitened before its time, in the damp cells of state prisons; on the fatal necessity of their common position; the impossibility of their placing a drag on that rapid slope, down which monarchy rushed blindly on the 8th of August, 1829; on the influence of personal intercourse with royalty over them, which we had hitherto underrated; and finally we reflected, above all, on the dignity which one among them spread, like a purple mantle, over their misfortunes! We were among those who sincerely wished their lives saved, and would have readily lent our aid to that effect. If a scaffold had been raised for them in Paris, we feel quite certain — and if it be an illusion, we would preserve it — that there would have been an insurrection to pull it down; and we should have been of the rioters. Here I must add that, in each social crisis, of all scaffolds, the political one is the most abominable, the most fatal, the most mischievous, the most necessary to extirpate.

In revolutionary times, beware of the first head that falls. It excites the sanguinary appetite of the mob.

We therefore agreed thoroughly with those who wished to spare the four minister, both as a matter of feeling, and of political reasoning. Butwe should have liked better that the Chamber had chosen another occasion for proposing the abolition of capital punishment.