An Introduction to the Irish Civil War E-Book

John O'donovan

• Herausgeber: Mercier Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Beschreibung

During the Irish Civil War, events of late 1922 and early 1923 together with waves of 'dishonourable' killings created poisoned relations between Republicans and 'Free Staters' which would last for several generations. The most enduring of these controversies, a policy of summary executions carried out by the Provisional Government from November 1922, continues to surround the argument. This book offers a fresh perspective on the causes, development and consequences of the Irish Civil War. Triggered by the signing of the Anglo-Treaty, there were those that would accept nothing less than complete Irish independence. Very few IRA commanders active in the field supported the Treaty and, as happens often in the dissection of civil wars, controversy over the conduct of both sides figures heavily within the text, where, at a local and national level, it left bitter legacies. This book offers an overview of the war in all regions of Ireland.

Leseprobe

Dedication

To my parents

MERCIER PRESS

3B Oak House, Bessboro Rd

Blackrock, Cork, Ireland.

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© John O’Donovan, 2022

ISBN: 978-1-78117-806-5

978-1-78117-807-2 [Ebook]

Cover Design: Sarah O'Flaherty

This eBook is copyright material and must not be copied, reproduced, transferred, distributed, leased, licensed or publicly performed or used in any way except as specifically permitted in writing by the publishers, as allowed under the terms and conditions under which it was purchased or as strictly permitted by applicable copyright law. Any unauthorised distribution or use of this text may be a direct infringement of the author’s and publisher’s rights and those responsible may be liable in law accordingly. 

Contents

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Phase 1 July – December 1922

Phase 2 December 1922 – May 1923

Controversy, Reprisal and Execution during the Civil War

Biographies

Bibliography

About the Author

Appendix

Acknowledgements

Thanks to Gabriel Doherty for sowing the seed of this project. I acknowledge the assistance of Donal Ó Drisceoil, Mervyn O’Driscoll, and Andy Bielenberg in giving me space to think and write the bulk of this text before the 2020 lockdown. I must commend the sharp eye of Mary Feehan whose queries on my drafts have improved the text no end. Thanks to all my colleagues in UCC and friends for their support and encouragement of my research and writing. Lastly, I dedicate this book to my parents for supporting me for many years in my vocation!

Introduction

On 11 July 1921, a Truce came into effect, ending the fighting between the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the British Army. Less than a year later, the IRA had split, and British guns and shells were being used to attack rebel positions at the Four Courts in Dublin. This marked the beginning of the Civil War, which lasted less than a year but whose effects are still being felt to the present day. How did the united nationalist front that held together during the War of Independence fall apart so quickly?

The Sinn Féin movement and the IRA that fought the War of Independence were not, as has been often suggested, a united and cohesive movement by the time of the Truce. IRA General Headquarters (GHQ) ordered every officer to remain on a war footing. It was known that tensions existed inside the IRA and between the IRA and the Republican government, theoretically in charge. Cathal Brugha, the Minister for Defence and Richard Mulcahy, the IRA chief-of-staff, were tasked with coordinating the overall strategies of the army.

In this they were, in theory, supported by Michael Collins, who as well as being Minister for Finance was also Director of Organisation and Intelligence at IRA GHQ. Collins’ other role, however, was head of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and thus of the Republic established by the IRB in 1867. In this role, he had the unswerving loyalty of IRB members in the government and the IRA.

Being the theoretical head of an alternative Republic, however, brought Collins into conflict with the leadership of the Republic declared at Easter 1916, especially the president of Dáil Éireann Éamon de Valera. While Collins professed loyalty to De Valera, it was a conditional loyalty. Although divisions went beyond personality clashes in the leadership of both Sinn Féin and the IRA, it was through the eyes of these personalities that the events after the War of Independence and before the Civil War came to be seen.

Further complicating the political picture was the position of the six of the nine Ulster counties which had been granted a parliament of their own under the Better Government of Ireland Act 1920. In the dying days of the War of Independence this parliament was opened by King George V in Belfast, and his appeal to ‘all Irishmen to pause, to stretch out the hand of forebearance [sic] and conciliation’ provided an opening for David Lloyd George, the British prime minister. Three days after the Truce came into effect, De Valera, along with Austin Stack, Arthur Griffith, Count George Plunkett, Robert Barton and Erskine Childers, met with Lloyd George at 10 Downing Street.

Lloyd George presented De Valera with a set of pro-posals for a peace settlement, which placed clear limits on any freedom sought by the Dáil president. The creation of the new northern Irish state took the ‘Ulster Question’ out of any potential settlement. Other obstacles presented included providing military and naval bases for British forces in the event of any resumption of a global war. Most disturbingly, for the more hard-line Republicans in the Dáil, was the proposal that any new Irish administration would have to swear an oath of allegiance to the British monarch.

De Valera rejected the proposals but agreed to keep dialogue with London open to avoid the prospect of a resumption of war. Having been re-elected president on 26 August 1921, he was authorised by his new cabinet to continue discussions. After tortuous negotiations by letter, a form of words was arrived at which would serve as a starting point for formal negotiations: ‘how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British empire may be best reconciled with Irish National Aspirations.’

Most people, inside and outside of the Dáil, assumed that De Valera would lead any negotiating team on behalf of the Irish Republic. This assumption, however, failed to consider his personal hesitations and his need to be seen to keep the voluble coalition that Sinn Féin had become together. The final delegation consisted of Griffith, Collins, Barton, Childers, George Gavan Duffy and Eamonn Duggan. Gavan Duffy and Childers had helped De Valera prepare a draft treaty, entitled ‘Draft Treaty A’, which embodied De Valera’s ideas of ‘external association’ between the Irish Republic and the British empire. This was given to the delegates, or plenipotentiaries (a phrase that would cause controversy later), as the basis for opening the discussions with Lloyd George and his delegates.

Negotiations commenced at 10 Downing Street on 11 October 1921. Talks quickly boiled down to exchanges between Lloyd George and Winston Churchill (the Secretary for War) on one side, and Griffith and Collins on the other. Two issues were identified as the major obstacles: the precise constitutional status of a state governed from Dublin, and the future of the northern Irish state. In early November Lloyd George faced a domestic political crisis which led him to extract from Griffith personal assurances that the Irish delegates would accept an oath of allegiance to the crown and inclusion in the British empire. Any future government in Dublin would have to swear allegiance to the British Monarch as head of the ‘community of nations known as the British Empire’. The exact wording was modified several times during the course of the talks, but the central fact remained: an Irish Republic was off the table.

That same crisis also gave the British prime minister an opportunity to pressure Griffith and Collins to accept a Boundary Commission which would define the boundary between Northern Ireland and the Dublin-governed state. This allowed Lloyd George to present to his Tory coalition partners a settlement of the issue of Northern Ireland, ensuring the coalition government of enough support in the House of Commons to continue in office.

Negotiations then moved to the subject of the precise constitutional status of any Dublin government. On 22 November, the Irish delegation drew up a memorandum in response to a draft treaty submitted by the British. The British treaty spoke of Dominion Status, the Irish memo argued for a form of External Association; each side rejected the proposals of the other. By this time, it was becoming clear to both Irish and British negotiators that Griffith was struggling to bring his colleagues with him.

Three days later Griffith and Collins attended a stormy meeting of the Dáil cabinet. Cathal Brugha clashed with both men over the reported progression of negotiations. The oath proposal was rejected, and Griffith undertook not to sign any document on behalf of the Irish people without prior consultation. While in Dublin, Collins also met with IRB colleagues to prepare for a resumption of war in case talks in London broke down.

Back in London Childers, Gavan Duffy and Barton began negotiations over a modified version of External Association. Collins’ absence from these talks convinced Lloyd George to sit down with him on Monday 5 Decem-ber. Both men covered a range of issues. Rumours by this stage were sweeping London and Dublin that the talks were on the point of failure.

Seizing this opportunity, Lloyd George theatrically threatened Griffith and Collins with immediate war unless the delegation agreed to treaty terms. Following several hours of discussion, the Irish delegation formally signed the ‘Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland’ in the early hours of Tuesday 6 December 1921.