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PROLOGUE
At ten o'clock at night, police arrived at the Robert Trent Jones Golf Club in Gainesville, Virginia. They found a large man slumped on a chair, dressed in upscale attire from the club. The police found bloodstains on his shirt, a gunshot wound in his head, and a silver Smith & Wesson.357 pistol. The man's body was found to be cold, and his skin was soiled. The club, located 37 miles west of Washington, DC, is an esteemed social sanctuary for America's ruling elite. It is considered the magnum opus of golf course architect Robert Trent Jones Sr., whose work includes the original White House putting green and a pitch-and-putt course at Camp David. The club hosted the first four Presidents Cup matches in the United States and has expanded its membership to include some of the most illustrious names in Washington.
On July 9, 2015, a Washington lobbyist was found dead in a lawn chair at the Robert Trent Jones Golf Club during a PGA golf tournament hosted by Tiger Woods. The lobbyist had arrived at the club around three o'clock that afternoon, entered the bar, and ordered a bottle of Petrus. He left quickly, saying he had work to do. After reserving three rooms in the club's cottages, he walked down to the re pit and opened his bottle of Petrus. A second blast occurred an hour before sunset, and a different club employee saw the lobbyist sitting alone with a bottle of wine. The employee called the police, and within an hour, a team of county officers arrived at the golf club. The lobbyist's white Porsche sports car was searched for clues, and a medical officer examined the body and pronounced him dead. A month later, a criminal investigator with the federal Department of Justice called the case about more than a single dead lobbyist. The lobbyist was among the most gifted operators in the capital of wheeling and dealing, having achieved policy victories, secured windfall contracts, and financed a lifestyle of vacation homes, golf memberships, Rolex watches, fancy wine, and cigars.
INTRODUCTION
Since the founding of America, powerful business interests have sought to influence Washington's political machinery. In the 1850s, gun magnate Samuel Colt attempted to secure a federal patent extension with the help of young women. By the early 20th century, the Standard Oil Company had a senator on retainer, J. P. Morgan & Co. had bankers ghostwriting federal legislation, and top executives at U.S. Steel had congressmen regularly sending them intelligence on key developments in the nation's capital. However, for much of Washington's history, the business establishment was unable to achieve the enduring political clout it desired. The central struggle of our democracy—the prerogatives of industrial capitalism versus the best interests of ordinary men and women—played out in a back-and-forth fashion, with periods of corporate excess and abuse inspiring eras of consumer reform.
Contemporary intellectuals have pointed out that this once-predictable pattern has thus far failed to materialize in the modern era. In the face of banking catastrophes, environmental disasters, and the implosion of a oncethriving manufacturing sector, America's political leaders have not enacted the sort of broad-based reforms that followed previous crises. Instead, during the 1970s, Washington entered a new era with the corporate capitalists exercising as much control of the political system as did their Gilded Age predecessors.
James Madison's "The Federalist No. 10" outlined the US Constitution's framework for limiting the power of interest groups, or "factions," in an open market of ideas. He argued that small interest groups posed little danger to democracy, but if a particular interest group gained favor with enough lawmakers, forming a majority faction, it could sacrifice both the public good and the rights of other citizens. Madison and other founding fathers erected a critical rewall against the formation of a majority faction, as the nation would be governed by elected representatives who would need to cultivate the support of numerous competing interests in order to get elected.
As the US economy became more industrial, the number of business lobbyists in Washington gradually increased. However, the political struggle between industry and consumers remained more of an equal contest than a rout. The political awakening of corporate America fundamentally altered the nature of interest group conflict in Washington, as neither labor unions nor consumer activists had the financial resources to restrain the ascendant power of Big Business. From 1967 to 2007, the number of registered lobbyists in Washington exploded from several dozen to nearly fifteen thousand.
After holding up for nearly two centuries, James Madison's framework for healthy interest group competition collapsed under the weight of the modern corporate influence-peddling apparatus. Using their financial superiority and advanced tactics, corporate lobbyists delivered for business executives a period of sustained, entrenched influence over Washington policy making that lasted well into the twenty-rst century.
The strong position of corporations in Washington made tough consumer reforms nearly impossible. Major laws passed, such as the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act and President Barack Obama's national health care bill, were legislative compromises drafted in collaboration with business lobbyists. Key portions of these measures were subsequently watered down by judges, rolled back by lawmakers, or weakened during the federal rule-making process. Corporate lobbyists used their clout to bend the trajectory of federal policy making in a decidedly and actively pro-business direction.
During the 1932 election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the country's tax and spending policies were guided in large part by the principle of equity. However, following their political awakening in the 1970s, corporate interests forged a pro-business alliance among Republican and Democratic lawmakers that pursued a radically different vision for the economy: government shouldn't restrict the power of capitalism, it should amplify it. This new lodestar of economic policy making, efficiency, as opposed to equity, would guide Washington's political leaders for most of the next four decades.
Washington's pro-business policy consensus laid the groundwork for a period of astonishing wealth creation but also unleashed a cascade of economic disruption and social discord for Americans in both political parties. Federal policy makers raced to reposition the US economy away from manufacturing and toward the financial and knowledge-based fields of their corporate benefactors.
Economically unequal nations can be less socially cohesive, more politically polarized, less stable, and more vulnerable to revolution. The corporate lobby, a unique manifestation of American ambition, corporate power, and Washington ingenuity, has played a significant role in shaping the nature of the US economy. K Street, a downtown thoroughfare near many of the city's marquee lobbying firms, was built by three lobbying dynasties—one Republican and two Democratic—from the 1970s to today. These men helped unify a previously fractured business advocacy community, ignite an explosion of political spending in Washington, develop close ties to the administrations of Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and lead the Democratic Party away from its old friends in organized labor and toward a new set of allies in corporate America.
The three dynasties represent the triumph and tragedy of Washington's lobbying industry. They helped facilitate K Street's evolution from a tiny club of well-connected insiders to an integrated, state-of-the-art business that was more secretive, lucrative, and effective than ever before. They developed sophisticated strategies for winning the votes of lawmakers by shaping the opinions of their constituents back home in their districts. As K Street moved away from traditional "inside game" strategies in favor of this more advanced "outside game" approach, old-fashioned shoe-leather lobbyists began teaming up with a full sweep of related professionals—PR gurus, social media experts, political pollsters, data analysts, grassroots organizers—to further the interests of big US corporations and their executives.
By 2016, the pro-business alliance that had governed Washington since the late 1970s began coming unglued. The collapse of this pro-business policy consensus was propelled by the extraordinary success of the corporate influence-peddling machine. The discord on K Street coincided with a series of crises for key members of the lobbying industry's foremost dynasties.
Part I
The Inside Game
1972–1999
1
Tommy Boggs, a Washington power broker, was recently at the seven-acre estate of Wyatt and Nancy Dickerson in McLean, Virginia. The Dickersons had renovated the mansion and made it the site of some of the era's most exclusive social events. Boggs was the only son of Hale Boggs, the Democratic congressman from Louisiana who also served as majority leader. Hale's standing was expected to increase even further in the coming years when he succeeded Carl Albert as Speaker of the House.
Today, Tommy found the young man in his driveway with an urgent message: "Your dad's plane is missing." Carl Albert had been trying to reach Tommy all night to make sure that his mother, Lindy Boggs, heard the news from one of her children. To track down Tommy, Albert had even conscripted the White House operators, who were famous for being able to locate public officials during all manner of emergencies.
Lindy and Hale Boggs lived in a white brick house on a leafy boulevard in Bethesda, Maryland, just two and a half miles west of Tommy's place. They hosted their annual garden parties, which attracted 2,100 guests. As the evening wore on without any word from Hale, Lindy grew drowsy from the warmth of the replace and put her head down on the table. The ring of the telephone jolted her awake. It was Speaker Albert, who explained how he had tried to reach Tommy and that he hated to be the one to tell her this, but there was a problem with Hale's plane.
In the aftermath of Hale Boggs's disappearance, the House of Representatives was filled with activity and news. The congressmen were too tired to catch their commercial flight to Juneau, where the second fund-raising event was being held. Instead, they chartered a private jet for the 570-mile trip to Alaska. However, their twinengine Cessna had never arrived in Juneau, and by the time Speaker Albert reached Lindy, Hale had been missing for eight hours.
Tommy Boggs, a former campaign aide, found his mother stunned and apologized for not being able to deliver the news himself. The disappearance of the second most powerful man in the House of Representatives was the biggest news story in America. The family's parish priest, Father Gingrich, arrived, and Lindy spoke with the US Air Force and Coast Guard officials who were coordinating the search.
A crowd of friends, neighbors, and family gathered around framed photographs of Hale with Lyndon Johnson and John F. Kennedy. Former vice president Hubert Humphrey and Massachusetts Senator Edward Kennedy each called to say they'd own with the man piloting Hale's plane. Alaska's first-term Republican senator, Ted Stevens, and Michigan congressman Gerald Ford called to check in on Lindy and the family.
By daybreak, the house had emptied, and Lindy and Tommy were wide awake at dawn, wondering if they would ever see Hale again. Tommy Boggs's insider pedigree set him apart from other DC lobbyists, as he studied how government power had transferred from the White House to Congress and learned how to organize rival business interests into united lobbying coalitions.
Tommy Boggs, the son of Congressman Hale Boggs, was a powerful lobbyist who gained valuable knowledge and skills from his family tree. As the only son of Congressman Hale Boggs, Tommy learned from his father to broker complex legislative compromises. However, the disappearance of Hale's plane in 1972 marked the beginning of Tommy's life as he pursued the opposite agenda, using his clout as a corporate lobbyist to roll back regulations, increase the political influence of business executives, and discredit the notion that the government had a legitimate role in the private economy.
The Boggs family's legacy began to change during the search for Hale's plane, as a three-decade-long tradition of government activism and consumer reform vanished into the Alaskan skyline. The Boggs name would soon become synonymous with PAC donations, duck hunting trips, and the outsized sway of corporations in Washington.
Tommy Boggs' love for the game began on a fraternity dance floor at Tulane University in 1934. He was the golden boy of Long Beach High School and had a successful career in journalism. After college, he married Lindy Claiborne and took a job at one of New Orleans' local newspapers, the Daily States. However, when he asked for a full-time position, the editor told him that his talents would be wasted in journalism.
After graduating from Tulane University's law school, Hale Boggs challenged Representative Paul Maloney for the congressional seat representing New Orleans in 1940. He took the election by a comfortable margin and later gave birth to her second child, Tommy. The baby was diagnosed with a problem with his thymus gland and received radiation treatment. At just 26, Hale became the youngest Democrat in the House of Representatives and realized the campaign slogan "Mr. Boggs Goes to Washington."
In January 1941, Hale and Lindy joined Hale in Washington just in time for President Franklin D. Roosevelt's third inauguration. They were inspired by FDR's unprecedented measures to rescue the economy from the Great Depression and supported the expansion of the federal enterprise. Both FDR and Hale Boggs arrived in Washington during the same political riptide, as a diverse assortment of previously unallied Americans joined forces to effectuate the most consequential political realignment since the Civil War.
Lindy became accustomed to the unique rituals of political life in Washington, juggling the duties of a congressional spouse and mother of two. She made friends with the wives of other southern Democrats, such as Lady Bird Johnson and Pauline Gore. One evening, she heard Sam Rayburn, the Speaker of the House, spotted potential in Hale and invited him to his "Board of Education" meetings. Rayburn became something of a surrogate father to Hale, making him a valuable asset to the Democratic party.
The Boggs children, who grew to three with the birth of their youngest sibling, Corrine "Cokie" Boggs, were raised on insider politics. They were close friends of both Kennedy and Johnson, playing a decisive role in forging their historic political partnership. Hale played a significant role in forging this partnership, as he was made majority whip by House Speaker William McCormack after Rayburn's death from cancer in 1961.
Tommy Boggs, who had known Lyndon Johnson for the better part of his life, had a more personal relationship with him than his father. He worked as an operator of a private elevator for Speaker Sam Rayburn, which put him on a firstname basis with lawmakers all over Capitol Hill. Tommy Boggs wanted a life in politics and started doing advance work for his unsuccessful 1960 presidential campaign. He joined the White House in January 1964, working as a political aide to the president, handling logistics for Johnson's public appearances.
One of his first assignments was to help organize the new president's 1964 trip to Appalachia as part of his war on poverty. However, Johnson's temper led to Tommy being called to announce his job, but he loved the work and gained a firsthand look at the scope of the White House's power. Tommy eventually left the White House for a more lucrative career in 1966, wishing Johnson all the luck in the world.
In summary, the Boggs children, including Corrine "Cokie" Boggs, were raised on insider politics, with strong personal relationships and a strong connection to both Kennedy and Johnson.
Washington's influence business during the 1940s was dominated by a small group of insiders who manipulated federal policy through phone calls or private conversations. Tommy "the Cork" Corcoran, a Wall Street lawyer and trusted aide to Franklin D. Roosevelt, was one of DC's first mega lobbyists. He derived his power from his ties to the men who ran Washington, having played a role in hiring virtually every senior administration official and established a close personal relationship with President Roosevelt himself.
Corcoran used his government contacts and knowledge of how to work the federal bureaucracy to benefit giant American companies such as Pan American Airways, El Paso Natural Gas Company, and United Fruit Company. His most effective tactics were straightforward, such as making a telephone call to a Defense Department office when a tool and die company was in jeopardy of losing their contract to make barrels for the US Department of Defense.
Clark Cliord, a native of President Harry Truman's home state of Missouri, joined the White House as its legal counsel and became a close confidant of the president's. He drafted legislation establishing the secretary of defense and creating the Central Intelligence Agency and was put in charge of Truman's regular poker game.
Departing the administration in 1950, Cliord opened a legal practice and fashioned himself into the quintessential Washington wise man for hire. He rakes in lucrative fees from an elite roster of clients, including General Electric Co., Trans World Airlines, and Standard Oil of California.
2
Lewis Powell, a corporate lawyer and Harvard Law School graduate, was alarmed by the growing skepticism of concentrated wealth and power in American society. He believed that the free market was Washington's best tool for growing the economy and raising the standard of living. Powell's friend Eugene B. Sydnor Jr., a department store owner and director of the oldest corporate advocacy group in Washington, also shared his concerns. Powell delivered a confidential memo in 1971, "Attack on American Free Enterprise System," which urged corporate executives to expand their responsibilities beyond traditional duties of selling products and growing profits.
