J. M. Robertson
The Historical Jesus
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Table of contents
PREAMBLE
THE SNARE OF PRESUPPOSITION
MODES OF CONSERVATIVE FALLACY
ILLUSIONS AS TO GOSPEL ETHIC
THE METHOD OF BLUSTER
SCHMIEDEL AND DEROGATORY MYTH
THE VISIONARY EVANGEL
THE ALLEGED CONSENSUS OF SCHOLARS
CONSERVATIVE POSITIONS
BLASS AND FLINDERS PETRIE
THE SAVONAROLA FALLACY
THE LOGIA THEORY AND THE HISTORICAL TEXT
FAILURE OF THE LOGIA THEORY
RESURGENCE OF THE HISTORICAL PROBLEM
ORTHODOXY AND THE “ORAL” HYPOTHESIS
THE METHOD OF M. LOISY
THE TRIAL CRUX
THE JESUS-FIGURE OF M. LOISY
THE PAULINE PROBLEM
THE HISTORY OF THE DISCUSSION
THE GROUND CLEARED FOR THE MYTH THEORY
CONCLUSION
PREAMBLE
The
problem of the historicity of the Jesus of the Gospels has been
discussed by me in large sections of two bulky books, which in other
sections deal with matters only indirectly connected with this, while
even the sections directly devoted to the problem cover a good deal
of mythological and anthropological ground which not many readers may
care to master. The “myth theory” developed in them, therefore,
may not be readily grasped even by open-minded readers; and the
champions of tradition, of whatever school, have a happy
hunting-ground for desultory misrepresentation and mystification. It
has been felt to be expedient, therefore, by disinterested readers as
well as by me, to put the problem in a clearer form and in a more
concise compass. The process ought to involve some logical
improvement, as the mythological investigation made in Christianity
and Mythology had been carried out independently of the
anthropological inquiry made in Pagan Christs, and the theory evolved
may well require unification. In particular, the element of
Jewish
mythology calls for fuller development. And the highly important
developments of the myth theory by Professor Drews and Professor W.
B. Smith have to be considered with a view to co-ordination.To
such a re-statement, however, certain preliminary steps are
necessary. The ground needs to be cleared (1) of à priori notions as
to the subject matter; (2) of mistaken opinions as to a supposed
“consensus of critics”; and (3) of uncritical assumptions as to
the character of the Gospel narratives.Writers
who have not gone very deeply into problems of normal history,
however they may have specialized in the Biblical, are still wont to
assert that the historicity of non-supernatural data in the Sacred
Books is on all fours with that of the subject matter of “profane”
history. Indeed it is still common to hear it claimed that the
Resurrection is as well “attested” as the assassination of Julius
Cæsar, or even better. In exactly the same tone and spirit did the
traditionalists of a previous generation assert that the stoppage of
the sun and moon in the interest of Joshua was better attested than
any equally ancient historical narrative. Those who have decided to
abandon the supernatural reduce the claim, of course, to the
historicity of the Trial and Crucifixion; but as to these they
confidently repeat the old formulas. Yet in point of fact they have
made no such critical scrutiny of even these items as historians have
long been used to make, with destructive results, into many episodes
of ancient history—for instance, the battle of Thermopylæ and the
founding of the Spartan constitution by Lycurgus. Men who affect to
dismiss the myth theory as an ungrounded speculation are all the
while taking for granted the historicity of a record which is a mere
tissue of incredibilities.It
has been justly remarked that serious risk of error is set up even by
the long-current claim of naturalist critics to “treat the Bible
like any other book.” Even in their meaning the phrase should have
run: “like any other Sacred Book of antiquity”; inasmuch as
critical tests and methods are called for in the scrutiny of such
books which do not apply in the case of others. But inasmuch,
further, as the Christian Sacred Books form a problem by themselves,
a kind of scrutiny which in the case of other books of cult-history
might substantially reveal all the facts may here easily fail to do
so.The
unsuspecting student, coming to a narrative in which supernatural
details are mingled with “natural,” decides simply to reject the
former and take as history what is left. It is the method of the
amateur mythologists of ancient Greece, derided by Socrates, and
chronically resuscitated in all ages by men seeking short cuts to
certitude where they have no right to any. If the narrative of the
Trial and Crucifixion, thus handled, is found to be still incredible
in point of time-arrangement, the adaptor meets the difficulty by
reducing the time-arrangement to probability and presenting the twice
redacted result as “incontestable” history. All this, as will be
shown in the following pages, is merely a begging of the question. A
scientific analysis points to a quite different solution, which the
naïf “historical” student has never considered.He
is still kept in countenance, it is true, by “specialists” of the
highest standing. The average “liberal” theologian still employs
the explanatory method of Toland; and anthropologists still offer him
support. Thus Sir James Frazer, by far the most learned collector of
mytho-anthropological lore in his age, positively refuses to apply to
the history of the Christian cult his own express rule of
mythology—formulated before him1
but independently reiterated by him—that “all peoples have
invented myths to explain why they observed certain customs,” and
that a graphic myth to explain a rite is presumptively “a simple
transcript of a ceremony”; which is the equivalent of the doctrine
of Robertson Smith, that “in almost every case the myth was derived
from the ritual, and not the ritual from the myth,” and of the
doctrine of K. O. Müller that “the mythus sprang from the worship,
and not the worship from the mythus.” What justification Sir James
can give for his refusal to act on his own principles is of course a
matter for full and careful consideration. But at least the fact that
he
has
to justify the refusal to apply in a most important case one of the
best-established generalizations of comparative mythology is not in
this case a recommendation of the principle of authority to
scientific readers.General
phrases, then, as to how religions
must
have originated in the personal impression made by a Founder are not
only unscientific presuppositions but are flatly contradictory, in
this connection, of a rule scientifically reached in the
disinterested study of ancient hierology in general.It
is a delusion, again, to suppose, as do some scholarly men, that
there is such a consensus of view among New Testament scholars as to
put out of court any theory that cancels the traditionalist
assumption of historicity which is the one position that most of them
have in common. As we shall see, the latest expert scholarship,
professionally recognized as such, makes a clean sweep of their whole
work; but they themselves, by their insoluble divisions, had already
discredited it. Any careful collection of their views will show that
the innumerable and vital divergences of principle and method of the
various schools, and their constant and emphatic disparagement of
each other’s conclusions, point rather to the need for a radically
different theory and method. A theory, therefore, which cancels their
conflicts by showing that all the data are reducible to order only
when their primary assumption is abandoned, is entitled to the
open-minded attention of men who profess loyalty to the spirit of
science.There
is need, thirdly, to bring home even to many readers who profess such
loyalty, the need for a really critical study of the Gospels. I have
been blamed by some critics because, having found that sixty years’
work on the documents by New Testament scholars yielded no clear
light on the problem of origins, I chose to approach that by way (1)
of mythology, (2) of extra-evangelical literature and sect-history,
and (3) of anthropology. The question of the order and composition of
the Gospels, in the view of these critics, should be the first stage
in the inquiry.Now,
for the main purposes of the myth-theory, the results reached by such
an investigator as Professor Schmiedel were quite sufficient; and
though at many points textual questions had to be considered, it
seemed really not worth while to discuss in detail the
quasi-historical results claimed by the exegetes. But it has become
apparent that a number of readers who claim to be “emancipated”
have let themselves be put off with
descriptions
of the Gospel-history when they ought to have read it attentively for
themselves. A confident traditionalist, dealt with hereinafter,
writes of the “pretentious futilities into which we so readily drop
when we talk about them [the Gospels] instead of reading them.” The
justice of the observation is unconsciously but abundantly
illustrated by himself; and he certainly proves the need for inducing
professed students to read with their eyes open.Early
in 1914 there was published a work on The Historical Christ, by Dr.
F. C. Conybeare, in which, as against the myth hypothesis, which he
vituperatively assailed, a simple perusal of the Gospel of Mark
(procurable, as he pointed out, for one penny) was confidently
prescribed as the decisive antidote to all doubts of the historicity
of the central figure. The positions put were the conventional ones
of the “liberal” school. No note was taken of the later
professional criticism which, without accepting the myth-theory,
shatters the whole fabric of current historicity doctrine. But that
is relatively a small matter. In the course of his treatise, Dr.
Conybeare asserted three times over, with further embellishments,
that in the Gospel of Mark Jesus is “presented quite naturally as
the son of
Joseph and his wife
Mary, and we learn quite incidentally the names of his brothers and
sisters.” Dr. Conybeare’s printers’ proofs, he stated, had been
read for him by Professor A. C. Clark. I saw, I think, fully twenty
newspaper notices of the book; and in not a single one was there any
recognition of the gross and thrice-repeated blunder above
italicized, to modify the chorus of uncritical assent. A professed
Rationalist repeated and endorsed Dr. Conybeare’s assertion.
Needless to say, not only did Dr. Conybeare not mention that Joseph
is never named in Mark, he never once alluded to the fact that in the
same Gospel Mary is presented as
not
the mother of Jesus; and the brothers and sisters, by implication, as
not
his brothers and sisters.When
aggressive scholars and confident reviewers thus alike reveal that
they have not read the Gospels with the amount of attention supposed
to be bestowed on them by an intelligent Sunday-school teacher, it is
evidently inadvisable to take for granted any general critical
preparation even among rationalistic readers. Before men can realize
the need for a new theoretic interpretation of the whole, they must
be invited to note the vital incongruities (as apart from miracle
stories) in each Gospel singly, as the lay Freethinkers of an earlier
generation did without pretending to be scholars.Those
Rationalists are ill-advised who suppose that, in virtue of having
listened to latter-day publicists who profess to extract a
non-supernatural “religion”
from
the supernaturalisms of the past, they have reached a higher and
truer standpoint than that of the men who made sheer truth their
standard and their ideal. Really scholarly and scrupulous advocates
of theism are as zealous to expose the historical truth as the men
who put that first and foremost; it is the ethical sentimentalists
who put the question of historic truth on one side. The fact that
some men of scientific training in other fields join at times in such
complacent constructions does not alter the fact that they are
non-scientific. The personal equation even of a man of science is not
science. On these as on other sides of the intellectual life,
“opinion of store is cause of want,” as Bacon has it.Some
of us who in our teens critically read the sacred books first and
foremost to clear our minds on the general question of
supernaturalism, and then proceeded to try, with the help of the
documentary scholars, to trace the history of religion as matter of
anthropology and sociology, had the experience of being told by
Professor Huxley, whose own work we had followed, that we were still
at the standpoint of Voltaire. Later we had the edification of seeing
Huxley expatiate upon topics which had long been stale for Secularist
audiences, and laboriously impugn the story of the Flood and the
miracle of the Gadarene swine in discursive debate with Gladstone,
even making scientific mistakes in the former connection.In
view of it all, it seems still a sound discipline to treat all
opinions as for ever open to revision, and at the same time to doubt
whether the acceptance of any popular formula will place us in a
position to disparage unreservedly all our critical predecessors. If
we find reason to dismiss as inadequate the conclusions of many
scholars of the past, orthodox and heterodox, we are not thereby
entitled to speak of the best of them otherwise than as powerful
minds and strenuous toilers, hampered by some of their erroneous
assumptions in the task of relieving their fellows of the burden of
others.It
is precisely the habituation of the professional scholars to working
in a special groove that has so retarded the progress of New
Testament criticism. The re-discussion of the historicity question
that has followed upon the modern exposition of the myth-theory has
involved the reiteration by the historicity school of a set of
elementary claims from the long-discredited interpolation in Josephus
and the pagan “testimonies” of Suetonius and Tacitus; and
Professor W. B. Smith has had to meet these with a detailed rebuttal
such as used to be made—of course with less care and fullness—on
the ordinary English Secularist platform forty or even seventy years
ago. Less advanced scholars once more begin to recognize the nullity
of the argument from the famous passage in the Annals of Tacitus,2
which was clear to so many unpretending freethinkers in the past; and
to other
Gelehrten vom Fach
it has to be again pointed out that the
impulsore Chresto
of Suetonius, so far from testifying to the presence of a Christian
multitude at Rome under Nero—a thing so incompatible with their own
records—is rather a datum for the myth-theory, inasmuch as it
posits a cult of a Chrēstos or Christos out of all connection with
the “Christian” movement.The
passage in Josephus was given up long ago by hundreds of orthodox
scholars as a palpable interpolation, proved as such by the total
silence in regard to it of early Fathers who would have rejoiced to
cite it if it had been in existence. The device of supposing it to be
a Christian modification of a different testimony by Josephus is a
resort of despair, which evades altogether the fact of the
rupture of context
made by the passage—a feature only less salient in the paragraph of
Tacitus. But even if there were no reason to suspect the latter item
of being a late echo
from
Sulpicius Severus, who is assumed to have copied it, nothing can be
proved from it for the historicity of the Gospel Jesus, inasmuch as
it does but set forth from a hostile standpoint the ordinary
Christian account of the beginnings of the cult. Those who at this
time of day found upon such data are further from an appreciation of
the evidential problem than were their orthodox predecessors who
debated the issue with Freethinkers half a century ago.I
have thought it well, then, to precede a restatement of the
“myth-theory” with a critical survey in which a number of
preliminary questions of scientific method and critical ethic are
pressed upon those who would deal with the main problem aright; and a
certain amount of controversy with other critical schools is indulged
in by way of making plain the radical weakness of all the
conventional positions. The negative criticism, certainly, will not
establish in advance the positive theory: that must meet the ordeal
of criticism like every other. But the preliminary discussion may at
once serve to free from waste polemic the constructive argument and
guard readers against bringing to that a delusive light from false
assumptions.A
recent and more notorious exhibition of “critical method” by Dr.
Conybeare has satisfied me that it is needless to offer any further
systematic exposure of the nullity of his treatise, with which I had
dealt at some length in The Literary Guide. His memorable attack upon
the Foreign Secretary, and his still more memorable retractation, may
enable some of his laudatory reviewers to realize the kind of temper
and the kind of scrutiny he brings to bear upon documents and
theories that kindle his passions. All that was relevant in his
constructive process was really extracted, with misconceptions and
blunders and exaggerations, from the works of a few scholars of
standing who, however inconclusive their work might be, set him a
controversial example which he was unable to follow. In dealing with
them, I have the relief of no longer dealing with him. As to the
constructive argument from comparative mythology, anthropology, and
hierology, attacked by him and others with apparently no grasp of the
principles of any of these sciences, objections may be best dealt
with incidentally where they arise in the restatement of the case.For
the rest, I can conceive that some will say the second year of the
World War is no time for the discussion even of a great problem of
religious history. I answer that the War has actually been made the
pretext for endless religious discussions of the most futile kind,
ranging between medieval miracle-mongering and the lowest forms of
journalistic charlatanism, with chronic debates on theism and on the
military value of faith and prayer. The newspaper discussions on
theism, in particular, reveal a degree of philosophic
naïveté
on the theistic side which seems to indicate that that view of the
universe has of late years been abandoned by most men capable of
understanding the logical problem. When dispute plays thus uselessly
at the bidding of emotion there must be some seniors, or others
withheld from war service, who in workless hours would as lief face
soberly an inquiry which digs towards the roots of the organized
religion of Europe. If the end of the search should be the conviction
that that system took shape as naturally as any other cult of the
ancient world, and that the sacrosanct records of its origin are but
products of the mythopœic faculty of man, the time of war, with its
soul-shaking challenge to the sense of reality, may not be the most
unfit for the experience.1See
Christianity and Mythology,
2nd ed. p. 179,
note. ↑2That
is, even supposing the
Annals
to be genuine. Professor W. B. Smith speaks of a contention “of
late” that they are forged by Poggio Bracciolini, but refers only
to the work of Ross, 1878. The thesis has been far more efficiently
maintained in a series of works by Hochart (1890, etc.), which are
worth Professor Smith’s attention. ↑
THE SNARE OF PRESUPPOSITION
Lesen Sie weiter in der vollständigen Ausgabe!
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Lesen Sie weiter in der vollständigen Ausgabe!
Lesen Sie weiter in der vollständigen Ausgabe!