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- Herausgeber: Icon Books
- Kategorie: Wissenschaft und neue Technologien
- Sprache: Englisch
** LONGLISTED FOR THE JAMES CROPPER WAINWRIGHT PRIZE LONGLIST 2022 ** 'Really packs a punch' Aja Barber, author of Consumed: The Need for Collective Change: Colonialism, Climate Change, and Consumerism 'Will open the minds of even the most ardent denier of climate change and/or systemic racism. If there's one book that will help you to be an effective activist for climate justice, it's this one.' Dr Shola Mos-Shogbamimu, author of This is Why I Resist 'Accessible. Poignant. Challenging.' Nnimmo Bassey, environmentalist and author of To Cook a Continent: Destructive Extraction and the Climate Crisis in Africa When we talk about racism, we often mean personal prejudice or institutional biases. Climate change doesn't work that way. It is structurally racist, disproportionately caused by majority White people in majority White countries, with the damage unleashed overwhelmingly on people of colour. The climate crisis reflects and reinforces racial injustices. In this eye-opening book, writer and environmental activist Jeremy Williams takes us on a short, urgent journey across the globe - from Kenya to India, the USA to Australia - to understand how White privilege and climate change overlap. We'll look at the environmental facts, hear the experiences of the people most affected on our planet and learn from the activists leading the change. It's time for each of us to find our place in the global struggle for justice.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2021
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For Africa’s youth strikers.
I hear you.
Contents
Foreword
There will undoubtedly be people who get stuck on the book title Climate Change Is Racist. But the undeniable truth is that climate change, as a global existential crisis, exacerbates racial inequality and racial injustice and it’s vital that people understand how and why. The good news is that Jeremy Williams has taken on this task, clearly explaining the link between the climate crisis and systemic racism for those who may not have seen the connection.
The conversational style of Jeremy’s writing will open the minds of even the most ardent denier of climate change and/or systemic racism. He helps us understand that climate change not only coexists with racism, but intersects with racial inequality. Everything we value as a necessity is susceptible to the impact of global warming – from water, food, health and wildlife to the economy, energy and transport, to name a few. Now consider the significant impact of systemic racial inequality, which already discriminates access to these vital resources on the basis of racial superiority. As I discuss in my own work, racism is a power construct created by White nations to benefit White people. It is fuelled by an unparalleled economic and political structure controlled by White nations, the by-product of which is White privilege – an advantage solely based on being Whitexiiand not predicated on socioeconomic status, class or heritage. All of which denies Black and Ethnic minorities an equal value of life and liberty. This means that systemic racism will make the impact of climate change unequal. We will not all suffer climate change the same.
The United Nations calls climate change the defining issue of our time. This is true, because of how global warming impacts everything we value and depend on. However, the missing link here is that those who will first, and ultimately, pay the price for the devastating impact of climate change are those already bearing the brunt of racial inequality. This is why we cannot talk about climate justice without talking about racial justice. This includes the marginalised voices of women, particularly Black and Ethnic Minorities who face worsening inequalities because their lives and livelihoods are at risk.
Jeremy unpicks the potential failure of global nations to prepare for a global climate change catastrophe and shows why racism is a key component. The coronavirus pandemic took the world by storm in 2020 and caused the exacerbation of longstanding racial inequality, evidenced by high tolls of deaths from Black, Asian and Ethnic Minority communities in developed countries, which are apparently more industrialised and economically advanced. The impact of climate change will be a global catastrophe incomparable to any other urgent humanitarian crisis in recent history. Without drastic action to eradicate the roots of systemic racism, humanity is creating the blueprint for devastation and destruction of epic proportions. To prevent xiii and fight this calamity, climate action must be inclusive of antiracist action.
Hard work is necessary to deconstruct structural racial inequality as a global issue between White nations and Black/Brown nations and to understand the impact of the climate crisis in deepening long-standing structural inequalities between these nations, and between White and Black/Brown people within White nations. If there’s one book that will help you to be an effective activist for climate justice, it is this one.
Dr Shola Mos-Shogbamimu Lawyer, Political & Women’s Rights Activist, Author, This Is Why I Resist
Preface
My desk is made of scrap wood, in a makeshift office in the attic. This is as far as I can get from the lockdown home-school currently running at the dining table, and it is just about far enough to concentrate.
The last chapters of this book have been written under very different circumstances to the first, not just due to the challenges of a global pandemic. Events in America have catapulted racial justice up the agenda. When I started my research, there were relatively few people talking about climate and race. Today, I see articles making the connection on a regular basis.
The book turns out to be timely and urgent, though I almost didn’t write it at all. I talked myself out of it, and then back in again. I wasn’t sure if it was my book to write, but ultimately I had seen something I could not unsee. As I look out my attic window and reflect on my own story, I can almost pinpoint the moment I saw it first.
So this is what it feels like to be racially abused
Nairobi, 1998. I was seventeen, and attending a boarding school in Kijabe, Kenya. My friend Mark and I were in the capital for the weekend to watch the Safari Sevens international rugby tournament. We caught one of the city’s notorious matatus – a xvi vibrantly painted, riotously driven minibus. There’s no schedule. It goes when it’s full, and we crammed in and bunched up to let more passengers on board.
Half an hour later we could see the sports ground up ahead, and we left our seats and squeezed past other passengers to the door. The bus pulled in, a couple of others got off, and that’s when the trouble started. The bus conductor, a young man in his twenties, wouldn’t let us off the bus. ‘No!’ he shouted. ‘Not you.’
‘This is our stop,’ I protested, but he reached out his hands and pushed me and my friend in the chest. We both stumbled backwards into the seats nearest the door. The bus moved on. A hundred yards later, we tried again at the next stop. Again we were pushed back down. ‘You get off when I tell you to get off.’
The bus moved again, and now the conductor started to shout. His rant was partly directed at us, partly at the rest of the bus, sometimes at the world at large. My knowledge of Swahili was poor, but I knew enough to recognise mockery when I heard it. There was nervous laughter from the rest of the bus, but otherwise nobody said anything. Stop after stop he went on, pointing and gesticulating. We stopped asking to get off. We were silent, frozen. We were just going to have to sit this out.
The longer the conductor went on, the angrier he became. We seemed to have become the lightning rod for all this man’s many grievances, and there was mounting violence in his eyes. At one point he leaned in and shouted right in our faces. I felt his spittle hit me, and I was too scared to wipe it off. I was convinced that a strike was coming.
xvii It didn’t. He shouted himself hoarse and finally fell quiet. He said nothing for several minutes, standing in the open doorway and staring out at the passing streets. Then the bus pulled in again, and he jerked his head at us. We got out. The bus was on a circular route, and we were right back where we had started.
Feeling rather shaken, we lined up for another bus.
The privilege of surprise
It wasn’t the first time I had been harassed for being White, but in five years living in Kenya, it was the first time I had felt a genuine threat of violence. Whites were usually treated with post-colonial deference and an assumption that we were well off and well-connected. This kind of abuse was unexpected, and it caught me by surprise. The incident stands out because it was so unusual, and, with hindsight, I can recognise that surprise as a privilege. For many, being harassed on a bus is expected. It is unsurprising, perhaps even normal.
If you had asked me at seventeen, I would have told you that racism in 1990s Kenya was a reality. But I’d have said that I wasn’t racist myself and that racism did not affect me. It was not a part of my world, I was not complicit, and that’s why it was such a shock to be racially abused.
But of course, it was a part of my world. It’s just that I was on the benefiting side of Kenya’s racial inequality. Every other person on the bus would have scoffed at the idea that racism had nothing to do with me. Whether I was aware of it or not, whether I wanted it or not, I enjoyed the advantages of being xviii White. There are better ways of doing it than shouting at teenagers, of course, but the conductor’s actions on that day called out my privilege. I’ve often reflected on this. I don’t condone his actions, but, with the benefit of time and distance, I am grateful for the lessons that emerged from the experience.
Difficult questions
I don’t tell this story to demonstrate that I somehow understand racism – quite the opposite. I experienced a one-off incident of prejudice, and it opened my eyes to a systemic injustice that I had not seen. I’ve shared this story because the difference between racist actions and racist structures is vital to everything else that follows.
On reading the title of this book, many people will reflexively reject the idea. No, climate change isn’t racist. How could it be? What’s race got to do with it? Why do people always have to drag race into everything?
A different group of people will instinctively agree – of course. How could anyone not see that?
Whatever your response, I would invite you to read on with a spirit of enquiry. The book has certainly been written in that spirit, as an investigation into some difficult questions: Is climate change racist? If so, how and why? What can we do about it? I have not been satisfied with easy answers in writing it, and you deserve more than easy answers in the reading of it.
This book is going to strike a nerve for some readers. White privilege is a difficult thing to talk about, and I want to talk xix about it at the grandest possible scale. So, I want to say at the outset that it isn’t about blame. As I will explain in the introduction, the racial dimension of climate change is much deeper than our individual perspectives or whether we consider ourselves to be racist or not. As a White man, I am implicated in an unjust system, but that does not make it my fault. Nobody should be shamed for the colour of their skin, whether they are advantaged or disadvantaged by it.
I should, however, be prepared to take some responsibility for the privilege I have inherited, and be proactive in redressing inequality. I cannot set myself apart from the injustice, as I did as a teenager in Africa. I am complicit in all of it. This is my problem too.
I will try as much as possible to speak for myself. I naturally use a collective ‘we’ in my writing, because I feel that it builds rapport. I also realise that it generalises unfairly, and I have avoided it in the book. Where it does occasionally appear, I am referring to you and I, reader and writer. I’ll talk more about that and why it matters in Chapter 1.
This book has been spurred by two waves of protest. I was already researching the connections between climate and race when the Youth Strike for Climate movement and Extinction Rebellion broke through. A wave of energy ran through the climate debate and through my own project. Then in May 2020, George Floyd was killed by the police in Minneapolis, provoking mass demonstrations and a renewed call for racial justice. Much of the book was written at that point, and I felt myself xx swept up and carried along by events, challenged on a daily basis by the sense of urgency.
This has not been a comfortable book to write, neither in its contents nor the circumstances of its writing. It probably won’t be a comfortable book to read either. I can’t apologise for that, though I will try to keep it engaging and non-judgemental. I’ll also try to keep it short. There are so many good books in the world, and I won’t presume to keep you too long.
Introduction
On the next page is a map of per capita CO2 emissions (Figure 1). It shows where in the world people have the highest carbon footprints. Darker shading shows the highest footprints, and therefore those who are most responsible for the breakdown of the climate. The lighter the colour, the less the citizens of that country are contributing to the crisis.
Figure 2 is a map of climate vulnerability. It shows those places that will suffer the most serious effects of heat, drought and sea level rise. Here, lighter shades indicate relative safety; darker shades show mounting risk. It is the darker shaded areas that could be considered the front lines of climate change.
Two different worlds
When presented side by side, these two maps are almost negative images of each other. In the first, there is a band of lower carbon footprints across the middle, with higher footprints on either side, and in the second the shades switch over. What this means is that there is a stark disconnect between the causes of climate change and its consequences. Those who are most responsible for damaging the atmosphere face much lower risks, while the greatest dangers fall on those who are least responsible. This is the injustice of climate change. 2
Figure 1. Global carbon emissions per capita.
Source: Our World in Data, based on the Global Carbon Project. Published under a Creative Commons Licence.3
Figure 2. Vulnerability to climate change.
ND-GAIN Country Index, based on the University of Notre Dame Global Adaptation Index. Published under a Creative Commons Licence.
4 Take another look at those two maps and consider income. The countries with the biggest per capita footprints tend to be richer. That’s no great surprise. People with higher incomes can afford more flights, more meat, more energy and more material goods, and thus their carbon footprints are larger. The richest have a disproportionate impact. Conversely, those with smaller disposable incomes use less energy and have a lower ecological impact.
Vulnerability is the inverse. The richest are more likely to live in temperate areas where the climate is less extreme, and they have the money to protect themselves. Britain experienced a heatwave recently, and one of my neighbours had an air conditioning unit fitted. The poorest cannot afford air conditioning, nor many other adaptations to a changing environment. When disaster strikes, they have fewer reserves with which to rebuild or relocate.
It’s a generalisation, but the two maps suggest that climate change is predominantly caused by the richest and mainly suffered by the poorest. This is the economic injustice of climate change.
Now look at the map again, and this time consider race. In that top map, what skin colour do most people have in the most carbon intensive countries? With some exceptions, it is hard to escape the idea that climate change is mainly caused by people with fair skin.
Moving on to the second map, there is another mirror image: a band of climate vulnerability across the centre of the 5 globe. It runs from the Caribbean and Central America, through Africa, and on to South Asia. Those most vulnerable to climate change are people of colour. This is the racial injustice of climate change.
Three kinds of racism
When people talk about racism, they often mean racial prejudice: the actions and opinions of racists. That is the most obvious kind, visible in the so-called ‘casual’ racism of elderly relatives, perhaps, or in the distinctly less casual actions of the far right. It’s the racism of White supremacists, fascism and football hooligans. Those are the most shameless forms, though it’s much more prevalent as a quiet bias, unexpressed and maybe even subconscious. Either way, this is individual racism, and it may be strong or weak, overt or internalised.
Climate change is not that kind of racist.
It’s not a person. It doesn’t have feelings or opinions. It is incapable of prejudice. But there are other kinds of racism.
A second form of racism is institutional racism. It’s a term that rose to prominence in Britain through the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry in 1999. The police had mishandled the racially motivated murder of the young black teenager and failed to bring a prosecution. The inquiry concluded that the Metropolitan Police had a problem with institutional racism, which it defined as ‘the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin’.1
6 Institutional racism happens when a public body is structured in a way that disadvantages people of colour. It occurs in policing and the courts, but also in school admissions, job applications, access to loans, and a hundred other ways that affect people’s everyday lives. To paraphrase an example from those who coined the term in the 1960s, when somebody throws stones at a black family’s windows, that’s individual racism. When that family can’t get a mortgage to buy the house in the first place, that’s institutional racism.2
Because it is buried away in the processes of the institution, this form of racism does not require deliberate intent. That makes it hard to address. In the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, police chiefs were quick to assert that their officers were not racist, but that wasn’t the point. As American sociologist Howard Winant writes: ‘racism must be understood in terms of its consequences, not as a matter of intentions or beliefs’.3
Climate change is not an institution either. It is not this kind of racist.
What we’re talking about here is structural racism: patterns of disadvantage that emerge from the overall functioning of the global system, often accumulated over centuries. This is inequality at its broadest and least visible, because it functions without perpetrators or intent, unfolding through the structures of the global economy.
Many White people are unaware of structural racism. It lies outside the most common definition of racism as personal prejudice, and they have never experienced it for themselves. 7
Structural racism
There are no universally agreed definitions of these different aspects of racism. What I’m calling structural racism is sometimes called systemic racism, though some theorists might distinguish between those two terms. For the purposes of this book, I’m going to refer to structural racism as the scaffolding of policies, institutions, cultures and norms that perpetuate and reinforce racial inequality.
