THE HEROIC AGE
The title of Epic, or of "heroic poem," is claimed by historians for a number of works belonging to the earlier Middle Ages, and to the medieval origins of modern literature. "Epic" is a term freely applied to the old school of Germanic narrative poetry, which in different dialects is represented by the poems of Hildebrand, of Beowulf, of Sigurd and Brynhild. "Epic" is the name for the body of old French poems which is headed by the Chanson de Roland. The rank of Epic is assigned by many to the Nibelungenlied, not to speak of other Middle High German poems on themes of German tradition. The title of prose Epic has been claimed for the Sagas of Iceland.By an equally common consent the name Romance is given to a number of kinds of medieval narrative by which the Epic is succeeded and displaced; most notably in France, but also in other countries which were led, mainly by the example and influence of France, to give up their own "epic" forms and subjects in favour of new manners.This literary classification corresponds in general history to the difference between the earlier "heroic" age and the age of chivalry. The "epics" of Hildebrand and Beowulf belong, if not wholly to German heathendom, at any rate to the earlier and prefeudal stage of German civilisation. The French epics, in their extant form, belong for the most part in spirit, if not always in date, to an order of things unmodified by the great changes of the twelfth century.While among the products of the twelfth century one
of the most remarkable is the new school of French romance, the
brilliant and frequently vainglorious exponent of the modern ideas of
that age, and of all its chivalrous and courtly fashions of thought
and sentiment. The difference of the two orders of literature is as
plain as the difference in the art of war between the two sides of
the battle of Hastings, which indeed is another form of the same
thing; for the victory of the Norman knights over the English axemen
has more than a fanciful or superficial analogy to the victory of the
new literature of chivalry over the older forms of heroic narrative.
The history of those two orders of literature, of the earlier Epic
kinds, followed by the various types of medieval Romance, is parallel
to the general political history of the earlier and the later Middle
Ages, and may do something to illustrate the general progress of the
nations. The passage from the earlier "heroic" civilisation
to the age of chivalry was not made without some contemporary record
of the "form and pressure" of the times in the changing
fashions of literature, and in successive experiments of the
imagination.Whatever
Epic may mean, it implies some weight and solidity; Romance means
nothing, if it does not convey some notion of mystery and fantasy. A
general distinction of this kind, whatever names may be used to
render it, can be shown, in medieval literature, to hold good of the
two large groups of narrative belonging to the earlier and the later
Middle Ages respectively. Beowulf might stand for the one side,
Lancelot or Gawain for the other. It is a difference not confined to
literature. The two groups are distinguished from one another, as the
respectable piratical gentleman of the North Sea coast in the ninth
or tenth century differs from one of the companions of St. Louis. The
latter has something fantastic in his ideas which the other has not.
The Crusader may indeed be natural and brutal enough in most of his
ways, but he has lost the sobriety and simplicity of the earlier type
of rover. If nothing else, his way of fighting—the undisciplined
cavalry charge—would convict him of extravagance as compared with
men of business, like the settlers of Iceland for example.The
two great kinds of narrative literature in the Middle Ages might be
distinguished by their favourite incidents and commonplaces of
adventure. No kind of adventure is so common or better told in the
earlier heroic manner than the defence of a narrow place against
odds. Such are the stories of Hamther and Sorli in the hall of
Ermanaric, of the Niblung kings in the hall of Attila, of the Fight
of Finnesburh, of Walter at the Wasgenstein, of Byrhtnoth at Maldon,
of Roland in the Pyrenees. Such are some of the finest passages in
the Icelandic Sagas: the death of Gunnar, the burning of Njal's
house, the burning of Flugumyri (an authentic record), the last fight
of Kjartan in Svinadal, and of Grettir at Drangey. The story of
Cynewulf and Cyneheard in the English Chronicle may well have come
from a poem in which an attack and defence of this sort were
narrated.The
favourite adventure of medieval romance is something different,—a
knight riding alone through a forest; another knight; a shock of
lances; a fight on foot with swords, "racing, tracing, and
foining like two wild boars"; then, perhaps, recognition—the
two knights belong to the same household and are engaged in the same
quest.Et Guivrez vers lui
esperone,De rien
nule ne l'areisone,Ne
Erec ne li sona mot.Erec,
l. 5007.This
collision of blind forces, this tournament at random, takes the
place, in the French romances, of the older kind of combat. In the
older kind the parties have always good reasons of their own for
fighting; they do not go into it with the same sort of readiness as
the wandering champions of romance.The
change of temper and fashion represented by the appearance and the
vogue of the medieval French romances is a change involving the whole
world, and going far beyond the compass of literature and literary
history. It meant the final surrender of the old ideas, independent
of Christendom, which had been enough for the Germanic nations in
their earlier days; it was the close of their heroic age. What the
"heroic age" of the modern nations really was, may be
learned from what is left of their heroic literature, especially from
three groups or classes,—the old Teutonic alliterative poems on
native subjects; the French
Chansons de Geste;
and the Icelandic Sagas.All
these three orders, whatever their faults may be, do something to
represent a society which is "heroic" as the Greeks in
Homer are heroic. There can be no mistake about the likeness. To
compare the imaginations and the phrases of any of these barbarous
works with the poetry of Homer may be futile, but their contents may
be compared without reference to their poetical qualities; and there
is no question that the life depicted has many things in common with
Homeric life, and agrees with Homer in ignorance of the peculiar
ideas of medieval chivalry.The
form of society in an heroic age is aristocratic and magnificent. At
the same time, this aristocracy differs from that of later and more
specialised forms of civilisation. It does not make an insuperable
difference between gentle and simple. There is not the extreme
division of labour that produces the contempt of the lord for the
villain. The nobles have not yet discovered for themselves any form
of occupation or mode of thought in virtue of which they are widely
severed from the commons, nor have they invented any such ideal of
life or conventional system of conduct as involves an ignorance or
depreciation of the common pursuits of those below them. They have no
such elaborate theory of conduct as is found in the chivalrous
society of the Middle Ages. The great man is the man who is best at
the things with which every one is familiar. The epic hero may
despise the churlish man, may, like Odysseus in the
Iliad (ii. 198),
show little sympathy or patience with the bellowings of the
multitude, but he may not ostentatiously refuse all community of
ideas with simple people. His magnificence is not defended by
scruples about everything low. It would not have mattered to Odysseus
if he had been seen travelling in a cart, like Lancelot; though for
Lancelot it was a great misfortune and anxiety. The art and pursuits
of a gentleman in the heroic age are different from those of the
churl, but not so far different as to keep them in different spheres.
There is a community of prosaic interests. The great man is a good
judge of cattle; he sails his own ship.A
gentleman adventurer on board his own ship, following out his own
ideas, carrying his men with him by his own power of mind and temper,
and not by means of any system of naval discipline to which he as
well as they must be subordinate; surpassing his men in skill,
knowledge, and ambition, but taking part with them and allowing them
to take part in the enterprise, is a good representative of the
heroic age. This relation between captain and men may be found,
accidentally and exceptionally, in later and more sophisticated forms
of society. In the heroic age a relation between a great man and his
followers similar to that between an Elizabethan captain and his crew
is found to be the most important and fundamental relation in
society. In later times it is only by a special favour of
circumstances, as for example by the isolation of shipboard from all
larger monarchies, that the heroic relation between the leader and
the followers can be repeated. As society becomes more complex and
conventional, this relation ceases. The homeliness of conversation
between Odysseus and his vassals, or between Njal and Thord
Freedman's son, is discouraged by the rules of courtly behaviour as
gentlefolk become more idle and ostentatious, and their vassals more
sordid and dependent. The secrets also of political intrigue and
dexterity made a difference between noble and villain, in later and
more complex medieval politics, such as is unknown in the earlier
days and the more homely forms of Society. An heroic age may be full
of all kinds of nonsense and superstition, but its motives of action
are mainly positive and sensible,—cattle, sheep, piracy, abduction,
merchandise, recovery of stolen goods, revenge. The narrative poetry
of an heroic age, whatever dignity it may obtain either by its
dramatic force of imagination, or by the aid of its mythology, will
keep its hold upon such common matters, simply because it cannot do
without the essential practical interests, and has nothing to put in
their place, if kings and chiefs are to be represented at all. The
heroic age cannot dress up ideas or sentiments to play the part of
characters. If its characters are not men they are nothing, not even
thoughts or allegories; they cannot go on talking unless they have
something to do; and so the whole business of life comes bodily into
the epic poem.How
much the matter of the Northern heroic literature resembles the
Homeric, may be felt and recognised at every turn in a survey of the
ground. In both there are the
ashen spears; there
are the shepherds of
the people; the
retainers bound by loyalty to the prince who gives them meat and
drink; the great hall with its minstrelsy, its boasting and
bickering; the battles which are a number of single combats, while
"physiology supplies the author with images"[1]
for the same; the heroic rule of conduct (ιομεν)[2];
the eminence of the hero, and at the same time his community of
occupation and interest with those who are less distinguished.There
are other resemblances also, but some of these are miraculous, and
perhaps irrelevant. By what magic is it that the cry of Odysseus,
wounded and hard bestead in his retreat before the Trojans, comes
over us like the three blasts of the horn of Roland?Thrice
he shouted, as loud as the head of a man will bear; and three times
Menelaus heard the sound thereof, and quickly he turned and spake to
Ajax: "Ajax, there is come about me the cry of Odysseus slow to
yield; and it is like as though the Trojans had come hard upon him by
himself alone, closing him round in the battle."[3]It
is reported as a discovery made by Mephistopheles in Thessaly, in the
classical
Walpurgisnacht,
that the company there was very much like his old acquaintances on
the Brocken. A similar discovery, in regard to more honourable
personages and other scenes, may be made by other Gothic travellers
in a "south-eastward" journey to heroic Greece. The
classical reader of the Northern heroics may be frequently disgusted
by their failures; he may also be bribed, if not to applaud, at least
to continue his study, by the glimmerings and "shadowy
recollections," the affinities and correspondences between the
Homeric and the Northern heroic world.Beowulf
and his companions sail across the sea to Denmark on an errand of
deliverance,—to cleanse the land of monsters. They are welcomed by
Hrothgar, king of the Danes, and by his gentle queen, in a house less
fortunate than the house of Alcinous, for it is exposed to the
attacks of the lumpish ogre that Beowulf has to kill, but recalling
in its splendour, in the manner of its entertainment, and the bearing
of its gracious lord and lady, the house where Odysseus told his
story. Beowulf, like Odysseus, is assailed by an envious person with
discourteous words. Hunferth, the Danish courtier, is irritated by
Beowulf's presence; "he could not endure that any one should be
counted worthier than himself"; he speaks enviously, a biting
speech—θυμοδακης γαρ μυθος—and is answered in
the tone of Odysseus to Euryalus.[4]
Beowulf has a story to tell of his former perils among the creatures
of the sea. It is differently introduced from that of Odysseus, and
has not the same importance, but it increases the likeness between
the two adventurers.In
the shadowy halls of the Danish king a minstrel sings of the famous
deeds of men, and his song is given as an interlude in the main
action. It is a poem on that same tragedy of Finnesburh, which is the
theme of a separate poem in the Old English heroic cycle; so
Demodocus took his subjects from the heroic cycle of Achaea. The
leisure of the Danish king's house is filled in the same manner as
the leisure of Phaeacia. In spite of the difference of the climate,
it is impossible to mistake the likeness between the Greek and the
Northern conceptions of a dignified and reasonable way of life. The
magnificence of the Homeric great man is like the magnificence of the
Northern lord, in so far as both are equally marked off from the
pusillanimity and cheapness of popular morality on the one hand, and
from the ostentation of Oriental or chivalrous society on the other.
The likeness here is not purely in the historical details, but much
more in the spirit that informs the poetry.If
this part of Beowulf
is a Northern
Odyssey, there is
nothing in the whole range of English literature so like a scene from
the Iliad
as the narrative of Maldon. It is a battle in which the separate
deeds of the fighters are described, with not quite so much anatomy
as in Homer. The fighting about the body of Byrhtnoth is described as
strongly, as "the Fighting at the Wall" in the twelfth book
of the Iliad,
and essentially in the same way, with the interchange of blows
clearly noted, together with the speeches and thoughts of the
combatants. Even the most heroic speech in Homer, even the power of
Sarpedon's address to Glaucus in the twelfth book of the
Iliad, cannot
discredit, by comparison, the heroism and the sublimity of the speech
of the "old companion" at the end of
Maldon. The
language is simple, but it is not less adequate in its own way than
the simplicity of Sarpedon's argument. It states, perhaps more
clearly and absolutely than anything in Greek, the Northern principle
of resistance to all odds, and defiance of ruin. In the North the
individual spirit asserts itself more absolutely against the bodily
enemies than in Greece; the defiance is made wholly independent of
any vestige of prudent consideration; the contradiction, "Thought
the harder, Heart the keener, Mood the more, as our Might lessens,"
is stated in the most extreme terms. This does not destroy the
resemblance between the Greek and the Northern ideal, or between the
respective forms of representation.The
creed of Maldon is that of Achilles:[5]
"Xanthus, what need is there to prophesy of death? Well do I
know that it is my doom to perish here, far from my father and
mother; but for all that I will not turn back, until I give the
Trojans their fill of war." The difference is that in the
English case the strain is greater, the irony deeper, the antithesis
between the spirit and the body more paradoxical.Where
the centre of life is a great man's house, and where the most
brilliant society is that which is gathered at his feast, where
competitive boasting, story-telling, and minstrelsy are the principal
intellectual amusements, it is inevitable that these should find
their way into a kind of literature which has no foundation except
experience and tradition. Where fighting is more important than
anything else in active life, and at the same time is carried on
without organisation or skilled combinations, it is inevitable that
it should be described as it is in the
Iliad, the
Song of Maldon and
Song of Roland, and
the Icelandic Sagas, as a series of personal encounters, in which
every stroke is remembered. From this early aristocratic form of
society, there is derived in one age the narrative of life at Ithaca
or of the navigation of Odysseus, in another the representation of
the household of Njal or of Olaf the Peacock, and of the rovings of
Olaf Tryggvason and other captains. There is an affinity between
these histories in virtue of something over and above the likeness in
the conditions of things they describe. There is a community of
literary sense as well as of historical conditions, in the record of
Achilles and Kjartan Olafsson, of Odysseus and Njal.The
circumstances of an heroic age may be found in numberless times and
places, in the history of the world. Among its accompaniments will be
generally found some sort of literary record of sentiments and
imaginations; but to find an heroic literature of the highest order
is not so easy. Many nations instead of an
Iliad or an
Odyssey have had to
make shift with conventional repetitions of the praise of chieftains,
without any story; many have had to accept from their story-tellers
all sorts of monstrous adventures in place of the humanities of
debate and argument. Epic literature is not common; it is brought to
perfection by a slow process through many generations. The growth of
Epic out of the older and commoner forms of poetry, hymns, dirges, or
panegyrics, is a progress towards intellectual and imaginative
freedom. Few nations have attained, at the close of their heroic age,
to a form of poetical art in which men are represented freely in
action and conversation. The labour and meditation of all the world
has not discovered, for the purposes of narrative, any essential
modification of the procedure of Homer. Those who are considered
reformers and discoverers in later times—Chaucer, Cervantes,
Fielding—are discoverers merely of the old devices of dramatic
narration which were understood by Homer and described after him by
Aristotle.The
growth of Epic, in the beginning of the history of the modern
nations, has been generally thwarted and stunted. It cannot be said
of many of the languages of the North and West of Europe that in them
the epic form has come fully to its own, or has realised its proper
nature. Many of them, however, have at least made a beginning. The
history of the older German literature, and of old French, is the
history of a great number of experiments in Epic; of attempts, that
is, to represent great actions in narrative, with the personages well
defined. These experiments are begun in the right way. They are not
merely barbarous nor fantastic. They are different also from such
traditional legends and romances as may survive among simple people
long after the day of their old glories and their old kings. The
poems of Beowulf
and Waldere,
of Roland
and William of
Orange, are
intelligible and reasonable works, determined in the main by the same
essential principles of narrative art, and of dramatic conversation
within the narrative, as are observed in the practice of Homer.
Further, these are poems in which, as in the Homeric poems, the ideas
of their time are conveyed and expressed in a noble manner: they are
high-spirited poems. They have got themselves clear of the confusion
and extravagance of early civilisation, and have hit upon a way of
telling a story clearly and in proportion, and with dignity. They are
epic in virtue of their superiority to the more fantastic motives of
interest, and in virtue of their study of human character. They are
heroic in the nobility of their temper and their style. If at any
time they indulge in heroic commonplaces of sentiment, they do so
without insincerity or affectation, as the expression of the general
temper or opinion of their own time. They are not separated widely
from the matters of which they treat; they are not antiquarian
revivals of past forms, nor traditional vestiges of things utterly
remote and separate from the actual world. What art they may possess
is different from the "rude sweetness" of popular ballads,
and from the unconscious grace of popular tales. They have in
different degrees and manners the form of epic poetry, in their own
right. There are recognisable qualities that serve to distinguish
even a fragment of heroic poetry from the ballads and romances of a
lower order, however near these latter forms may approach at times to
the epic dignity.II