INTRODUCTION
Two
aspects of animal life impressed me most during the journeys which I
made in my youth in Eastern Siberia and Northern Manchuria. One of
them was the extreme severity of the struggle for existence which
most species of animals have to carry on against an inclement Nature;
the enormous destruction of life which periodically results from
natural agencies; and the consequent paucity of life over the vast
territory which fell under my observation. And the other was, that
even in those few spots where animal life teemed in abundance, I
failed to find—although I was eagerly looking for it—that bitter
struggle for the means of existence, among animals belonging to the
same species, which was considered by most Darwinists (though not
always by Darwin himself) as the dominant characteristic of struggle
for life, and the main factor of evolution.The
terrible snow-storms which sweep over the northern portion of Eurasia
in the later part of the winter, and the glazed frost that often
follows them; the frosts and the snow-storms which return every year
in the second half of May, when the trees are already in full blossom
and insect life swarms everywhere; the early frosts and,
occasionally, the heavy snowfalls in July and August, which suddenly
destroy myriads of insects, as well as the second broods of the birds
in the prairies; the torrential rains, due to the monsoons, which
fall in more temperate regions in August and September—resulting in
inundations on a scale which is only known in America and in Eastern
Asia, and swamping, on the plateaus, areas as wide as European
States; and finally, the heavy snowfalls, early in October, which
eventually render a territory as large as France and Germany,
absolutely impracticable for ruminants, and destroy them by the
thousand—these were the conditions under which I saw animal life
struggling in Northern Asia. They made me realize at an early date
the overwhelming importance in Nature of what Darwin described as
"the natural checks to over-multiplication," in comparison
to the struggle between individuals of the same species for the means
of subsistence, which may go on here and there, to some limited
extent, but never attains the importance of the former. Paucity of
life, under-population—not over-population—being the distinctive
feature of that immense part of the globe which we name Northern
Asia, I conceived since then serious doubts—which subsequent study
has only confirmed—as to the reality of that fearful competition
for food and life within each species, which was an article of faith
with most Darwinists, and, consequently, as to the dominant part
which this sort of competition was supposed to play in the evolution
of new species.On
the other hand, wherever I saw animal life in abundance, as, for
instance, on the lakes where scores of species and millions of
individuals came together to rear their progeny; in the colonies of
rodents; in the migrations of birds which took place at that time on
a truly American scale along the Usuri; and especially in a migration
of fallow-deer which I witnessed on the Amur, and during which scores
of thousands of these intelligent animals came together from an
immense territory, flying before the coming deep snow, in order to
cross the Amur where it is narrowest—in all these scenes of animal
life which passed before my eyes, I saw Mutual Aid and Mutual Support
carried on to an extent which made me suspect in it a feature of the
greatest importance for the maintenance of life, the preservation of
each species, and its further evolution.And
finally, I saw among the semi-wild cattle and horses in
Transbaikalia, among the wild ruminants everywhere, the squirrels,
and so on, that when animals have to struggle against scarcity of
food, in consequence of one of the above-mentioned causes, the whole
of that portion of the species which is affected by the calamity,
comes out of the ordeal so much impoverished in vigour and health,
that no progressive evolution of the species can be based upon such
periods of keen competition.Consequently,
when my attention was drawn, later on, to the relations between
Darwinism and Sociology, I could agree with none of the works and
pamphlets that had been written upon this important subject. They all
endeavoured to prove that Man, owing to his higher intelligence and
knowledge, may mitigate the harshness of the struggle for life
between men; but they all recognized at the same time that the
struggle for the means of existence, of every animal against all its
congeners, and of every man against all other men, was "a law of
Nature." This view, however, I could not accept, because I was
persuaded that to admit a pitiless inner war for life within each
species, and to see in that war a condition of progress, was to admit
something which not only had not yet been proved, but also lacked
confirmation from direct observation.On
the contrary, a lecture "On the Law of Mutual Aid," which
was delivered at a Russian Congress of Naturalists, in January 1880,
by the well-known zoologist, Professor Kessler, the then Dean of the
St. Petersburg University, struck me as throwing a new light on the
whole subject. Kessler's idea was, that besides the law of Mutual
Struggle there is in Nature the law of Mutual Aid, which, for the
success of the struggle for life, and especially for the progressive
evolution of the species, is far more important than the law of
mutual contest. This suggestion—which was, in reality, nothing but
a further development of the ideas expressed by Darwin himself in The
Descent of Man—seemed to me so correct and of so great an
importance, that since I became acquainted with it (in 1883) I began
to collect materials for further developing the idea, which Kessler
had only cursorily sketched in his lecture, but had not lived to
develop. He died in 1881.In
one point only I could not entirely endorse Kessler's views. Kessler
alluded to "parental feeling" and care for progeny (see
below, Chapter I) as to the source of mutual inclinations in animals.
However, to determine how far these two feelings have really been at
work in the evolution of sociable instincts, and how far other
instincts have been at work in the same direction, seems to me a
quite distinct and a very wide question, which we hardly can discuss
yet. It will be only after we have well established the facts of
mutual aid in different classes of animals, and their importance for
evolution, that we shall be able to study what belongs in the
evolution of sociable feelings, to parental feelings, and what to
sociability proper—the latter having evidently its origin at the
earliest stages of the evolution of the animal world, perhaps even at
the "colony-stages." I consequently directed my chief
attention to establishing first of all, the importance of the Mutual
Aid factor of evolution, leaving to ulterior research the task of
discovering the origin of the Mutual Aid instinct in Nature.The
importance of the Mutual Aid factor—"if its generality could
only be demonstrated"—did not escape the naturalist's genius
so manifest in Goethe. When Eckermann told once to Goethe—it was in
1827—that two little wren-fledglings, which had run away from him,
were found by him next day in the nest of robin redbreasts
(Rothkehlchen), which fed the little ones, together with their own
youngsters, Goethe grew quite excited about this fact. He saw in it a
confirmation of his pantheistic views, and said:—"If it be
true that this feeding of a stranger goes through all Nature as
something having the character of a general law—then many an enigma
would be solved." He returned to this matter on the next day,
and most earnestly entreated Eckermann (who was, as is known, a
zoologist) to make a special study of the subject, adding that he
would surely come "to quite invaluable treasuries of results"
(Gespräche, edition of 1848, vol. iii. pp. 219, 221). Unfortunately,
this study was never made, although it is very possible that Brehm,
who has accumulated in his works such rich materials relative to
mutual aid among animals, might have been inspired by Goethe's
remark.Several
works of importance were published in the years 1872-1886, dealing
with the intelligence and the mental life of animals (they are
mentioned in a footnote in Chapter I of this book), and three of them
dealt more especially with the subject under consideration; namely,
Les Societes animales, by Espinas (Paris, 1877); La Lutte pour
l'existence et l'association pout la lutte, a lecture by J.L.
Lanessan (April 1881); and Louis Buchner's book, Liebe und
Liebes-Leben in der Thierwelt, of which the first edition appeared in
1882 or 1883, and a second, much enlarged, in 1885. But excellent
though each of these works is, they leave ample room for a work in
which Mutual Aid would be considered, not only as an argument in
favour of a pre-human origin of moral instincts, but also as a law of
Nature and a factor of evolution. Espinas devoted his main attention
to such animal societies (ants, bees) as are established upon a
physiological division of labour, and though his work is full of
admirable hints in all possible directions, it was written at a time
when the evolution of human societies could not yet be treated with
the knowledge we now possess. Lanessan's lecture has more the
character of a brilliantly laid-out general plan of a work, in which
mutual support would be dealt with, beginning with rocks in the sea,
and then passing in review the world of plants, of animals and men.
As to Buchner's work, suggestive though it is and rich in facts, I
could not agree with its leading idea. The book begins with a hymn to
Love, and nearly all its illustrations are intended to prove the
existence of love and sympathy among animals. However, to reduce
animal sociability to love and sympathy means to reduce its
generality and its importance, just as human ethics based upon love
and personal sympathy only have contributed to narrow the
comprehension of the moral feeling as a whole. It is not love to my
neighbour—whom I often do not know at all—which induces me to
seize a pail of water and to rush towards his house when I see it on
fire; it is a far wider, even though more vague feeling or instinct
of human solidarity and sociability which moves me. So it is also
with animals. It is not love, and not even sympathy (understood in
its proper sense) which induces a herd of ruminants or of horses to
form a ring in order to resist an attack of wolves; not love which
induces wolves to form a pack for hunting; not love which induces
kittens or lambs to play, or a dozen of species of young birds to
spend their days together in the autumn; and it is neither love nor
personal sympathy which induces many thousand fallow-deer scattered
over a territory as large as France to form into a score of separate
herds, all marching towards a given spot, in order to cross there a
river. It is a feeling infinitely wider than love or personal
sympathy—an instinct that has been slowly developed among animals
and men in the course of an extremely long evolution, and which has
taught animals and men alike the force they can borrow from the
practice of mutual aid and support, and the joys they can find in
social life.The
importance of this distinction will be easily appreciated by the
student of animal psychology, and the more so by the student of human
ethics. Love, sympathy and self-sacrifice certainly play an immense
part in the progressive development of our moral feelings. But it is
not love and not even sympathy upon which Society is based in
mankind. It is the conscience—be it only at the stage of an
instinct—of human solidarity. It is the unconscious recognition of
the force that is borrowed by each man from the practice of mutual
aid; of the close dependency of every one's happiness upon the
happiness of all; and of the sense of justice, or equity, which
brings the individual to consider the rights of every other
individual as equal to his own. Upon this broad and necessary
foundation the still higher moral feelings are developed. But this
subject lies outside the scope of the present work, and I shall only
indicate here a lecture, "Justice and Morality" which I
delivered in reply to Huxley's Ethics, and in which the subject has
been treated at some length.Consequently
I thought that a book, written on Mutual Aid as a Law of Nature and a
factor of evolution, might fill an important gap. When Huxley issued,
in 1888, his "Struggle-for-life" manifesto (Struggle for
Existence and its Bearing upon Man), which to my appreciation was a
very incorrect representation of the facts of Nature, as one sees
them in the bush and in the forest, I communicated with the editor of
the Nineteenth Century, asking him whether he would give the
hospitality of his review to an elaborate reply to the views of one
of the most prominent Darwinists; and Mr. James Knowles received the
proposal with fullest sympathy. I also spoke of it to W. Bates. "Yes,
certainly; that is true Darwinism," was his reply. "It is
horrible what 'they' have made of Darwin. Write these articles, and
when they are printed, I will write to you a letter which you may
publish." Unfortunately, it took me nearly seven years to write
these articles, and when the last was published, Bates was no longer
living.After
having discussed the importance of mutual aid in various classes of
animals, I was evidently bound to discuss the importance of the same
factor in the evolution of Man. This was the more necessary as there
are a number of evolutionists who may not refuse to admit the
importance of mutual aid among animals, but who, like Herbert
Spencer, will refuse to admit it for Man. For primitive Man—they
maintain—war of each against all was the law of life. In how far
this assertion, which has been too willingly repeated, without
sufficient criticism, since the times of Hobbes, is supported by what
we know about the early phases of human development, is discussed in
the chapters given to the Savages and the Barbarians.The
number and importance of mutual-aid institutions which were developed
by the creative genius of the savage and half-savage masses, during
the earliest clan-period of mankind and still more during the next
village-community period, and the immense influence which these early
institutions have exercised upon the subsequent development of
mankind, down to the present times, induced me to extend my
researches to the later, historical periods as well; especially, to
study that most interesting period—the free medieval city
republics, of which the universality and influence upon our modern
civilization have not yet been duly appreciated. And finally, I have
tried to indicate in brief the immense importance which the
mutual-support instincts, inherited by mankind from its extremely
long evolution, play even now in our modern society, which is
supposed to rest upon the principle: "every one for himself, and
the State for all," but which it never has succeeded, nor will
succeed in realizing.It
may be objected to this book that both animals and men are
represented in it under too favourable an aspect; that their sociable
qualities are insisted upon, while their anti-social and
self-asserting instincts are hardly touched upon. This was, however,
unavoidable. We have heard so much lately of the "harsh,
pitiless struggle for life," which was said to be carried on by
every animal against all other animals, every "savage"
against all other "savages," and every civilized man
against all his co-citizens—and these assertions have so much
become an article of faith—that it was necessary, first of all, to
oppose to them a wide series of facts showing animal and human life
under a quite different aspect. It was necessary to indicate the
overwhelming importance which sociable habits play in Nature and in
the progressive evolution of both the animal species and human
beings: to prove that they secure to animals a better protection from
their enemies, very often facilities for getting food and (winter
provisions, migrations, etc.), longevity, therefore a greater
facility for the development of intellectual faculties; and that they
have given to men, in addition to the same advantages, the
possibility of working out those institutions which have enabled
mankind to survive in its hard struggle against Nature, and to
progress, notwithstanding all the vicissitudes of its history. It is
a book on the law of Mutual Aid, viewed at as one of the chief
factors of evolution—not on all factors of evolution and their
respective values; and this first book had to be written, before the
latter could become possible.I
should certainly be the last to underrate the part which the
self-assertion of the individual has played in the evolution of
mankind. However, this subject requires, I believe, a much deeper
treatment than the one it has hitherto received. In the history of
mankind, individual self-assertion has often been, and continually
is, something quite different from, and far larger and deeper than,
the petty, unintelligent narrow-mindedness, which, with a large class
of writers, goes for "individualism" and "self-assertion."
Nor have history-making individuals been limited to those whom
historians have represented as heroes. My intention, consequently,
is, if circumstances permit it, to discuss separately the part taken
by the self-assertion of the individual in the progressive evolution
of mankind. I can only make in this place the following general
remark:—When the Mutual Aid institutions—the tribe, the village
community, the guilds, the medieval city—began, in the course of
history, to lose their primitive character, to be invaded by
parasitic growths, and thus to become hindrances to progress, the
revolt of individuals against these institutions took always two
different aspects. Part of those who rose up strove to purify the old
institutions, or to work out a higher form of commonwealth, based
upon the same Mutual Aid principles; they tried, for instance, to
introduce the principle of "compensation," instead of the
lex talionis, and later on, the pardon of offences, or a still higher
ideal of equality before the human conscience, in lieu of
"compensation," according to class-value. But at the very
same time, another portion of the same individual rebels endeavoured
to break down the protective institutions of mutual support, with no
other intention but to increase their own wealth and their own
powers. In this three-cornered contest, between the two classes of
revolted individuals and the supporters of what existed, lies the
real tragedy of history. But to delineate that contest, and honestly
to study the part played in the evolution of mankind by each one of
these three forces, would require at least as many years as it took
me to write this book.Of
works dealing with nearly the same subject, which have been published
since the publication of my articles on Mutual Aid among Animals, I
must mention The Lowell Lectures on the Ascent of Man, by Henry
Drummond (London, 1894), and The Origin and Growth of the Moral
Instinct, by A. Sutherland (London, 1898). Both are constructed
chiefly on the lines taken in Buchner's Love, and in the second work
the parental and familial feeling as the sole influence at work in
the development of the moral feelings has been dealt with at some
length. A third work dealing with man and written on similar lines is
The Principles of Sociology, by Prof. F.A. Giddings, the first
edition of which was published in 1896 at New York and London, and
the leading ideas of which were sketched by the author in a pamphlet
in 1894. I must leave, however, to literary critics the task of
discussing the points of contact, resemblance, or divergence between
these works and mine.The
different chapters of this book were published first in the
Nineteenth Century ("Mutual Aid among Animals," in
September and November 1890; "Mutual Aid among Savages," in
April 1891; "Mutual Aid among the Barbarians," in January
1892; "Mutual Aid in the Medieval City," in August and
September 1894; and "Mutual Aid amongst Modern Men," in
January and June 1896). In bringing them out in a book form my first
intention was to embody in an Appendix the mass of materials, as well
as the discussion of several secondary points, which had to be
omitted in the review articles. It appeared, however, that the
Appendix would double the size of the book, and I was compelled to
abandon, or, at least, to postpone its publication. The present
Appendix includes the discussion of only a few points which have been
the matter of scientific controversy during the last few years; and
into the text I have introduced only such matter as could be
introduced without altering the structure of the work.I
am glad of this opportunity for expressing to the editor of the
Nineteenth Century, Mr. James Knowles, my very best thanks, both for
the kind hospitality which he offered to these papers in his review,
as soon as he knew their general idea, and the permission he kindly
gave me to reprint them.