INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
INTRODUCTION.
The present edition is an exact
reproduction of that edited by my father, with my great-uncle's final
corrections, and published by Mr. John Murray in 1859. Several
reprints of that edition have testified to the continued popularity
of the work, and the necessity for the present issue shows that an
acquaintance of nearly half a century has not yet wearied the public
of the standard translation of the Thousand and One Nights. The
secret of Mr. Lane's success is to be found partly in the instinctive
sympathy for the spirit of the East, which enabled him faithfully to
reproduce the characteristic tone of the original, and partly in the
rich store of illustrations of oriental life and thought contained in
his Notes. In the various cheap versions, based upon Galland's French
paraphrase, the Eastern tone and local colour is wholly wanting; and
the peculiarities of life and manners, which contrast so markedly
with those of the West, are left unnoted and unexplained. Such
versions may serve in an inadequate degree to make the Arabian Nights
known to those who care only for the bare stories; but educated
readers, who are capable of something more than the mere enjoyment of
the romance, and desire to understand the character and habits of the
actors and the spectators, find in Mr. Lane's translation, and in his
only, a complete satisfaction of their want. It is not merely a
scholar's edition, though no oriental student can afford to be
without it; but beyond this narrow circle it has ever appealed to the
wide audience that cares to know the famous books of the world in
their most perfect and faithful reflections.
The actual moment is an opportune
one for the reappearance of the work. Egypt just now holds a foremost
place in the eyes of the world, and it is of Egypt that the Thousand
and One Nights have most to tell. Indian or Persian as many of the
tales are in their origin, their setting is almost purely Egyptian;
and though the place may be nominally Baghdad or India, or even
furthest China, it is in mediæval Cairo, in the days of the
Memlooks, that the scene of the Arabian Nights is really laid. The
people described are not Hindoos or Chinese, but Arabs and Egyptians
as they lived and moved in the fifteenth century, when some of the
beautiful mosques and tombs, that still make Cairo the delight of
artists, were being built, and the devastating hand of the Ottoman
Turk had not yet been laid on the land of the Pharaohs. For a minute
picture of Arabian society as it was in the Middle Ages, the Thousand
and One Nights have no rival, and it is Mr. Lane's appreciation of
this picture, and the wealth of illustration lavished upon it in his
Notes, that render his edition the most complete commentary we
possess on Muslim life and manners, religion and literature, and make
it an indispensable supplement to his famous Account of the Manners
and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. The poetry of Eastern life is
rapidly fading away under the effacing touch of European
civilisation; the characteristic society in which an
Haroon-Er-Rasheed, an Aboo-Nuwas, a Kafoor, a Saladin, or a Kaït-Bey,
revelled and jested and conquered, is fast becoming matter of history
rather than of experience, a field for the antiquary instead of the
traveller; and it is well that we can reconstruct it in the pages of
the Thousand and One Nights, whose compiler saw it when it was still
almost in its Golden Prime, and in the Modern Egyptians, whose author
knew it when it still preserved the romantic character which has
charmed and fascinated readers of every age and condition.
Stanley Lane-Poole.
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.
A new edition of this work having
been required, Mr. Lane was requested to undertake the correction of
the press. But severe literary labours allowing him no leisure for
this object, he named me, as his pupil in the study of Arabic,
familiar with his writings, and for many years resident with him in
Cairo, to fill, in some measure, his place. I have undertaken this
duty with great diffidence, from a sense of my own deficiencies and
his extensive knowledge; but I have felt that I could at least insure
the correctness of the text, and a scrupulous adherence to his
wishes. The present edition is printed, without any variations of my
own (except those which are marked as such, and have been submitted
to Mr. Lane), from a copy of the first and complete edition, with
corrections and additions made by Mr. Lane, from time to time, since
its first publication. These, however, from the accuracy with which
the translation was made, and the fulness of the Notes, are not very
numerous. The same reasons have also caused my own notes to be few: I
believe that my Uncle's notes are complete in themselves; and that I
have sometimes erred, even in the rare exceptions I have made, on the
side of unnecessary addition.
An edition of any book not
superintended by the author is sometimes regarded with distrust. I
would therefore assure the reader that in this instance he may depend
even on the punctuation; the whole having been laboriously collated
with Mr. Lane's annotated copy, notwithstanding the great delay which
this process has occasioned in the printing of the work.
I have called this a complete
edition, to distinguish it from two others which have been published
without Mr. Lane's notes or his method of writing oriental words, and
with other variations from the standard edition. The public
appreciation of these notes, and of the advantage of
correctly-written foreign words, is, I conceive, proved by the call
for the present edition. On the subject of the mode of writing
oriental words in European characters, I need say little, for the
controversy has well nigh died out. The present generation does not
regard antiquated blunders as "the familiar names of childhood,"
but rather strives to attain accuracy in all things; and those few
who still cling to "Mahomet" or "Mahomed" should
consistently exhume the forgotten "Mahound" of the
Crusades.
The translator's views respecting
the origin and literary history of "The Thousand and One Nights"
will be found fully expressed in the Review at the end of the third
volume. In his original preface, he stated, "The remarks which I
here submit to the reader, being written when only one-third of the
work to which they principally relate is printed, must unavoidably be
more defective than they would be if reserved until a later period.
During the progress of the publication I may be enabled to form
clearer and more complete views of the several subjects which might
with propriety be fully discussed at the head of my translation, and
I think it better, therefore, to append at the close of the work many
observations which I originally intended to prefix to the first
volume." He has therefore wished me to remodel the preface,
transferring all portions relating to the subjects in question to the
Review, retaining whatever may more properly stand at the
commencement of the work, and adding any matter of my own.
The object with which the
translation was made is best expressed in the words of Mr. Lane's
preface.
"My undertaking to translate
anew the Tales of 'The Thousand and One Nights' implies an
unfavourable opinion of the version which has so long amused us; but
I must express my objections with respect to the latter in plain
terms, and this I shall do by means of a few words on the version of
Galland, from which it is derived; for to him alone its chief faults
are to be attributed. I am somewhat reluctant to make this remark,
because several persons, and among them some of high and deserved
reputation as Arabic scholars, have pronounced an opinion that his
version is an improvement upon the original. That 'The Thousand and
One Nights' may be greatly improved, I most readily admit; but as
confidently do I assert that Galland has excessively perverted the
work. His acquaintance with Arab manners and customs was insufficient
to preserve him always from errors of the grossest description, and
by the style of his version he has given to the whole a false
character, thus sacrificing, in a great measure, what is most
valuable in the original work,—I mean its minute accuracy with
respect to those peculiarities which distinguish the Arabs from every
other nation, not only of the West, but also of the East. Deceived by
the vague nature of Galland's version, travellers in Persia, Turkey,
and India, have often fancied that the Arabian Tales describe the
particular manners of the natives of those countries; but no one who
has read them in the original language, having an intimate
acquaintance with the Arabs, can be of this opinion: it is in Arabian
countries, and especially in Egypt, that we see the people, the
dresses, and the buildings, which it describes in almost every case,
even when the scene is laid in Persia, in India, or in China.
"Convinced of the truth of this
assertion, I consider myself possessed of the chief qualifications
for the proper accomplishment of my present undertaking, from my
having lived several years in Cairo, associating almost exclusively
with Arabs, speaking their language, conforming to their general
habits with the most scrupulous exactitude, and received into their
society on terms of perfect equality. Since the downfall of the Arab
Empire of Baghdád, Cairo has been the chief of Arabian cities: its
Memlook Sulṭáns, introduced into Egypt in their youth, naturally
adopted, to a great degree, the manners of its native inhabitants,
which the 'Osmánlee Turks in later days have but little altered.
Cairo is the city in which Arabian manners now exist in the most
refined state; and such I believe to have been the case when the
present work was composed."
Mr. Lane's first two visits to Egypt
were made when, for the last time, Arab manners and customs as they
existed in the age of the Arabian Nights could be studied; and his
translation was written very shortly after his second return to
England. Though some of the tales maybe Indian or Persian in origin,
in their present state they exhibit a picture of the manners, modes
of thought, and language, of the court and times of the Memlook
Sulṭáns of Egypt, which nearly resembled in these points those of
the Khaleefehs of Baghdád, or the great Arab Empire. De Sacy and Von
Hammer, the two celebrated orientalists who differed widely in
opinion as to the origin of the book, agreed that the tales in which
the Khaleefeh Hároon Er-Rasheed is introduced (the best, with few
exceptions, in the collection) are Egyptian in character. But since
the "Modern Egyptians" were described by Mr. Lane, all
things in the East have changed, and every day witnesses the decay of
some old custom, to be followed by a bastard European imitation.
During Mohammad 'Alee's rule, all traces of the state and
circumstance of the Memlook court gradually passed away. European
dress has displaced oriental costume, cloth of gold, and dresses of
honour; European architecture elbows the quaint beauty of the old
Arab capital; and the cavalcade of fifty horsemen around a grandee is
succeeded by an English carriage that profanes the quiet streets of
the city, and frightens away both 'Efreets and their memory. Mr. Lane
saw the last of Cairo in its integrity; and he has not overstated his
qualifications, as author of the "Modern Egyptians," for
the task of translating the Arabian Nights.
Of the copy from which this
translation was made, and the method observed in its execution, I may
again quote the preface to the first edition. Mr. Lane says,—
"I have taken as my general
standard of the original text the Cairo edition lately printed; it
being greatly superior to the other printed editions, and probably to
every manuscript copy.1 It appears to agree almost exactly with the
celebrated MS. of Von Hammer, than which no copy more copious, I
believe, exists; and contains all the tales in the old version except
those which, as Von Hammer says, Galland appears to have taken from
other works, Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, in the Royal Library of
Paris. The manuscript from which it was printed was carefully
collated and corrected by a very learned man, the sheykh
'Abd-Er-Raḥmán Eṣ-Ṣaftee Esh-Sharḳáwee, who also
superintended the progress of the work through the press. But in
addition to the value conferred upon it by the corrections of this
sheykh, the copy from which the whole of my translation is made,
except in a few instances, possesses an advantage which, I believe,
renders it incomparably superior to any other now existing: it has
been again revised and corrected, and illustrated with numerous
manuscript notes, by a person whom I think I may safely pronounce the
first philologist of the first Arab college of the present day, the
sheykh Moḥammad 'Eiyád Eṭ-Ṭanṭáwee, or, more properly,
Eṭ-Ṭanditáee. His notes are chiefly philological, and
explanatory of words which do not belong to the classical language;
and many of them are of very great assistance to me; though most of
them I find unnecessary, from the knowledge of the modern Arabic
which I have acquired during my intercourse with the people who speak
it. His corrections of the text are numerous; and as they would
interest very few persons, I have mentioned but few of them in the
notes to my translation, notwithstanding a strong temptation that I
felt to do otherwise in order that Arabic scholars might be assisted
to judge of the fidelity of my version by comparing it with the text
of the Cairo edition.2 To the pieces of poetry which are interspersed
throughout the work he has paid especial attention; not only
correcting the errors which he found in them, but also always adding
the vowel-points, and generally, commentaries or explanations. Thus I
have shewn that I am very greatly indebted to him for his learned
labours. I should, however, add, that I have ventured to differ from
him in interpreting a few words; having found more appropriate
meanings assigned to them by Arabs in parts not visited by him, or
such meanings given in printed dictionaries with which he is
unacquainted; and I have also corrected a few errors which have
escaped his notice.3 Without the valuable aid which he has afforded
me, I would not have attempted the translation; nor with it would I
have done so were it not for the advantage that I derive from my
having lived among Arabs. No translator can always be certain that,
from twenty or more significations which are borne by one Arabic
word, he has selected that which his author intended to convey; but,
circumstanced as I am, I have the satisfaction of feeling confident
that I have never given, to a word or phrase in this work, a meaning
which is inconsistent with its presenting faithful pictures of Arab
life and manners.
"I have thought it right to
omit such tales, anecdotes, &c., as are comparatively
uninteresting or on any account objectionable. In other words, I
insert nothing that I deem greatly inferior in interest to the tales
in the old version. Certain passages which, in the original work, are
of an objectionable nature, I have slightly varied; but in doing
this, I have been particularly careful to render them so as to be
perfectly agreeable with Arab manners and customs. It was originally
my intention to omit almost the whole of the poetry, thinking that
the loss of measure and rhyme, and the impossibility of preserving
the examples of paronomasia and some other figures with which they
abound, would render translations of them generally intolerable to
the reader: but afterwards I reflected that the character of the work
would be thus greatly altered; and its value, as illustrating Arab
manners and feelings, much diminished. I therefore determined to
preserve a considerable number of select pieces, chosen either for
their relative merits or because required by the context. The number
of those comprised in the first volume of my translation is nearly
half of the number contained in the corresponding portion of the
original work; but in several cases I have omitted one or more verses
of a piece as unsuitable, or for some other reason; and in a few
instances I have given only the first verse or the first couplet.
These pieces of poetry are not in general to be regarded as the
compositions of the author or authors of the work: they appear to be
mostly borrowed from others, and many of them are taken from the
works of celebrated poets.—To avoid the tedious interruptions which
occur in the original at the close of each Night, I have divided the
translation into chapters, each of which consists of one tale, or of
two or more tales connected one with another, and have merely
mentioned the Night with which each chapter commences, and that with
which it terminates.
"The original work being
designed solely for the entertainment of Arabs, I add copious notes
to the translation, to render it more intelligible and agreeable to
the English reader. These are entirely my own, except in those cases
when I have stated otherwise;4 and my general object in them has been
to give such illustrations as may satisfy the general reader, without
obliging him to consult other works. In many of them I endeavour to
shew, by extracts from esteemed Arabic histories and scientific and
other writings, chiefly drawn from MSS. in my possession, as well as
by assertions and anecdotes that I have heard, and conduct that I
have witnessed, during my intercourse with Arabs, that the most
extravagant relations in this work are not in general regarded, even
by the educated classes of that people, as of an incredible nature.
This is a point which I deem of much importance to set the work in
its proper light before my countrymen. I have resided in a land where
genii are still firmly believed to obey the summons of the magician
or the owner of a talisman, and to act in occurrences of every day;
and I have listened to stories of their deeds related as facts by
persons of the highest respectability, and by some who would not
condescend to read the tales of 'The Thousand and One Nights,' merely
because they are fictions, and not written in the usual polished
style of literary compositions."
I have already mentioned that the
literary history of "The Thousand and One Nights" is
discussed in Mr. Lane's Review appended to this translation. In the
course of my Arabic studies, and more especially since I have been
occupied in editing the present work, I have endeavoured to form an
unbiassed judgment on this difficult question; and all my researches
have confirmed me in agreeing with the opinions there expressed. Von
Hammer was inclined to lay too much stress on the supposed Persian or
Indian origin of these Tales; while De Sacy, on the other hand,
rejected the belief in any connection between the old work and the
more modern; contending that the latter was an independent
production. The discovery, however, of a passage in an Arabic author,
by Von Hammer, since the publication of De Sacy's Essay and Mr.
Lane's Preface, has placed the matter beyond a doubt; and scholars
are now agreed, notwithstanding De Sacy's pleasant sarcasm, and the
weight of his great name, that "The Thousand Nights" formed
in some measure the prototype of "The Thousand and One Nights."
On the other hand, De Sacy's keen appreciation of the modern (and
chiefly Egyptian, or Arab,) character of the book, in its present
form, must be fully recognised, and was indeed thus acknowledged by
Von Hammer himself. The manners, dresses, and modes of thought,
portrayed by it are Arab throughout, even in the stories which are
probably retained from the Persian or Indian original, of which that
of the Magic Horse is the best example in this translation. Besides
those relating to the court and adventures of Hároon Er-Rasheed,
which, as I have before remarked, are curiously Egyptian, many others
appear to have been remodelled, if not actually composed, in Egypt.
It is not less true that these tales are generally the best in the
collection, if those of the Slave Káfoor, of 'Azeez and 'Azeezeh,
and of Es-Sindibád, be excepted; for these certainly are inferior to
none. The more colloquial and familiar stories point to the same
origin; such as that of 'Alá-ed-Deen Abu-sh-Shámát (which is
pervaded by Egyptian characteristics in phraseology and in other
respects), that of Aboo-Ṣeer and Aboo-Ḳeer, and that of Maạroof.
The stories founded mainly on Persian or Indian originals appear to
be those in which supernatural beings play the most conspicuous
parts; and, as Mr. Lane remarks, these are generally deficient in
verses, although the converse does not hold good of the former class.
The anecdotes are mostly historical: many of them are, in the Notes,
identified with similar ones in other Arabic works; and almost all
are of Arab origin.
The evidences of a late date
scattered through the book may be additions of copyists and reciters;
but considered with reference to its general character, they have a
certain weight that cannot be overlooked: this is carefully stated in
the Review.
Mr. Lane's arguments in favour of
the collective "Thousand and One Nights" being an
individual work, and not one of many similar collections, seem to me
to be conclusive: not the least important of these is the fact that
no similar collection is known to exist, nor is mentioned by any Arab
author, with the sole exception of the old "Thousand Nights,"
which I believe he has demonstrated to be the prototype, in a remote
degree, of the "Thousand and One." To cite the words of the
Preface on the question of the original of the work as it is known to
us—"I have shewn it to be my opinion that all the complete
copies of 'The Thousand and One Nights' now known are in the main
derived, though not immediately, from one original; and I hold the
same opinion with respect to every fragment containing the
commencement of the work;" "not regarding the work as
wholly original, nor as the first of its kind; for many of the tales
which it contains are doubtless of different and early origins; and I
think that its general plan is probably borrowed from a much older
production, bearing the same title of 'The Thousand and One Nights,'
[or 'The Thousand Nights,'] a translation of a Persian work having a
corresponding title, namely 'Hezár Afsáneh.'... One thing is
certain—that 'The Thousand and One Nights,' [or 'The Thousand
Nights,'] translated from the Persian was much older than the work
now known by that title, and also extremely different from the
latter."
When these facts are considered in
reference to each other, the date assigned, in the Review, to the
composition of the work cannot reasonably be regarded as far from the
truth. It is in Egypt, and especially in the Memlook court, that we
must look to find the people, the manners, and the habits of thought,
of "The Arabian Nights;" while the style of the language in
which they are written is that which we might expect from an Egyptian
of those times, who, unskilled in the classical Arabic, yet
endeavouring to imitate it, was doubtless more generally intelligible
then than he is now to the modern Egyptians. This assumption of the
old language, I may remark, is, and always has been, characteristic
of all learned Arabs, be they Egyptians or natives of other Arabian
countries (for such Egypt truly is); but no other instance exists of
a work of fiction in which the attempt fails so singularly in
affecting the classical, or retaining the modern tongue; while all
other Arabic tales are certainly composed in either the one or the
other. The modern Egyptian romances are mostly written in the
colloquial dialect of every-day life; but those which are of older
date are not modernized, as some have supposed, against all reason,
"The Thousand and One Nights" to be: such an alteration
would be without a parallel in Arabic literature, as Mr. Lane proves
in the Review in a way to relieve me of the necessity of further
alluding here to this particular question. "The Thousand and One
Nights" exhibit a style which would be unfamiliar to the
audience of the reciter of romances, without attaining to the
classical diction: and the conclusion is forced on us that the work
exhibits the language of a by-gone generation, which (taking into
consideration the other indications of its age and country), is, it
can scarcely be disputed, that of the later period of the Memlook
rulers of Egypt, before the Turkish conquest of that country. In the
words of Mr. Lane's Preface:—"Most of the tales which it
contains are doubtless of an older origin, and many of them founded
upon very old traditions and legends; but all these traditions or
legends were evidently remodelled so as to become pictures of the
state of manners which existed among the Arabs, and especially among
those of Egypt, at the period here mentioned; and I think that the
composer of the work, or each of the composers, if one commenced and
another completed it, was an Egyptian."
But a more popular subject than its
obscure origin is the literary merit of this work. The rare
fascination of these old Arab stories, their supernatural romance,
excessive love, quaint philosophy, and grotesque humour, have, since
the days of Galland, secured to them more readers than any other
profane work. The translation of Galland, with all its lameness,
puerility, and indecency, gained for them a hold which has never been
relaxed; and it only required the appearance of a scholarlike and
readable translation, freed from these defects, to make them
generally accepted in English families. The fashion of travelling in
the East has not a little added to the desire for a standard and
annotated edition of a work unique, even in those lands of genii and
adventure, in its remarkable portrayal of Eastern character, life,
and, when closely translated, idiom. The humour of the book, now
broad, now subtle, (who does not delight in Káfoor and his "half
lie?") renders the comic stories generally superior to the
romantic; but the pathos perhaps excels every other beauty. The story
of Shems-en-Nahár is remarkable for this characteristic; and that of
'Azeez and 'Azeezeh (first published in this translation), surpasses
in delicate tenderness any Arab tale with which we are acquainted.
Of the critical value of Mr. Lane's
translation I ought scarcely to speak. Yet I may observe that
students of Arabic make it a text-book in reading the original; while
the English reader not uncommonly forgets that it is a translation,
and detects not the literal accuracy of its rendering of an
unfamiliar, or unknown, language.
I have adverted to the system
adopted in transcribing foreign words, and I now conclude these
preliminary remarks (intended only to render the learned Review
easier of perusal to the general reader, and to smooth his first
steps in a strange land), by quoting, with some slight improvements
by Mr. Lane, the explanation of that system given in the preface to
the first edition.
"In writing Arabic and other
Oriental words in the present work, I have employed a system
congenial with our language, and of the most simple kind; and to this
system I adhere in every case, for the sake of uniformity as well as
truth.5 Some persons have objected to my writing in this manner a few
familiar words which are found in our dictionaries; but they will
excuse me for remarking that general usage is not altogether
accordant with their opinion. Almost every author, I believe, now
writes 'Koran,' or 'Kurán,' and 'Pasha,' or 'Pacha,' for our
dictionary-words 'Alcoran' and 'Bashaw;' and most of our best authors
on Arabian History, of late, have written 'Khalif' for 'Caliph.' In a
work relating to a people who pronounce the Arabic w as v, I should
write 'Vezeer' for the Arabic word 'Wezeer;' but to do so when the
subject is Arabian, I consider inexpedient: and in this opinion I am
upheld by a great majority of literary and other friends whom I have
consulted on the subject, in the proportion of five to one. I may add
that Dr. Johnson has written in his Dictionary, 'Vizier [properly
Wazir];' and if we express the Arabic vowels by their Italian
equivalents, it is properly 'Wazír' or 'Wezír.'—The system which
I here employ requires but little explanation; the general reader may
be directed to pronounce
The letter y is to be pronounced as
in 'you' and 'lawyer:' never as in 'by.'
An apostrophe, when immediately
preceding or following a vowel, I employ to denote the place of a
letter which has no equivalent in our alphabet; it has a guttural
sound like that which is heard in the bleating of sheep: ạ (with a
dot beneath) represents the same sound at the end of a syllable, when
it is more forcibly pronounced.
Each of the consonants distinguished
by a dot beneath has a peculiarly hard sound.
Having avoided as much as possible
making use of accents, I must request the reader to bear in mind that
a single vowel, when not marked with an accent, is always short; and
that a double vowel or diphthong at the end of a word, when not so
marked, is not accented ('Welee,' for instance, being pronounced
'Wĕ'lee'): also, that the acute accent does not always denote the
principal or only emphasis ('Hároon' being pronounced 'Hároón');
that a vowel with a grave accent (only occurring at the end of a
word), is not emphasized, though it is long; and that dh, gh, kh, sh,
and th, when not divided by a hyphen, represent, each, a single
Arabic letter."8
I have only to add one more extract
from Mr. Lane's Preface.
"Many of the engravings which
are so numerously interspersed in this work will considerably assist
to explain both the Text and the Notes; and to insure their accuracy,
to the utmost of my ability, I have supplied the artist with modern
dresses, and with other requisite materials. Thus he has been enabled
to make his designs agree more nearly with the costumes &c. of
the times which the tales generally illustrate than they would if he
trusted alone to the imperfect descriptions which I have found in
Arabic works.9 Except in a few cases, when I had given him such
directions as I deemed necessary, his original designs have been
submitted to me; and in suggesting any corrections, I have, as much
as possible, avoided fettering his imagination, which needs no eulogy
from me. He has acquired a general notion of Arabian architecture
from the great work of Murphy on the Arabian remains in Spain, and
from the splendid and accurate work on the Alhambra by Messrs. Goury
and Jones; and through the kindness of my friend Mr. Hay, of Linplum,
he has been allowed to make a similar use of a very accurate and very
beautiful collection of drawings of a great number of the finest
specimens of Arabian architecture in and around Cairo, executed by M.
Pascal Coste, and now the property of Mr. Hay.10 He has also
consulted a number of Oriental drawings, and various other sources.
My acknowledgments to other persons I have expressed in several of
the Notes.
"The portion which is comprised
in the first volume of this translation, terminates with part of the
hundred and thirty-seventh Night: it is therefore necessary to
remark,—first, that there is less to omit in the early part of the
original work than in the later:—secondly, that the Nights in the
early part are generally much longer than in the subsequent portion;
the first hundred Nights (without the Introduction) comprising 213
pages in the Cairo edition of the original work; the second hundred,
149 pages; the third, 107; the fourth, 106; the fifth, 94:11—thirdly,
that a similar observation applies to the Notes which are inserted in
my translation; those appended to the early tales being necessarily
much more copious than the others."
INTRODUCTION
———
In the name of God,
the Compassionate, the Merciful.1Praise be to God,
the Beneficent King, the Creator of the universe, who hath raised the
heavens without pillars, and spread out the earth as a bed;2 and
blessing and peace be on the lord of apostles, our lord and our
master Moḥammad, and his Family; blessing and peace, enduring and
constant, unto the day of judgment.
To proceed:—The lives of former
generations are a lesson to posterity; that a man may review the
remarkable events which have happened to others, and be admonished;
and may consider the history of people of preceding ages, and of all
that hath befallen them, and be restrained. Extolled be the
perfection of Him who hath thus ordained the history of former
generations to be a lesson to those which follow. Such are the Tales
of a Thousand and One Nights, with their romantic stories and their
fables.
It is related (but God alone is
all-knowing,3 as well as all-wise, and almighty, and all-bountiful,)
that there was, in ancient times, a King4 of the countries of India
and China, possessing numerous troops, and guards, and servants, and
domestic dependents: and he had two sons; one of whom was a man of
mature age; and the other, a youth. Both of these princes were brave
horsemen; but especially the elder, who inherited the kingdom of his
father; and governed his subjects with such justice that the
inhabitants of his country and whole empire loved him. He was called
King Shahriyár:5 his younger brother was named Sháh-Zemán,6 and
was King of Samarḳand.7 The administration of their governments was
conducted with rectitude, each of them ruling over his subjects with
justice during a period of twenty years with the utmost enjoyment and
happiness. After this period, the elder King felt a strong desire to
see his brother, and ordered his Wezeer8 to repair to him and bring
him.
The Wezeer presenting the letter to
Sháh-Zemán
Having taken the advice of the
Wezeer on this subject,9 he immediately gave orders to prepare
handsome presents, such as horses adorned with gold and costly
jewels, and memlooks, and beautiful virgins, and expensive stuffs.10
He then wrote a letter to his brother, expressive of his great desire
to see him;11 and having sealed it, and given it to the Wezeer,
together with the presents above mentioned, he ordered the minister
to strain his nerves, and tuck up his skirts, and use all expedition
in returning. The Wezeer answered, without delay, I hear and obey;
and forthwith prepared for the journey: he packed his baggage,
removed the burdens, and made ready all his provisions within three
days; and on the fourth day, he took leave of the King Shahriyár,
and went forth towards the deserts and wastes. He proceeded night and
day; and each of the kings under the authority of King Shahriyár by
whose residence he passed came forth to meet him,12 with costly
presents, and gifts of gold and silver, and entertained him three
days;13 after which, on the fourth day, he accompanied him one day's
journey, and took leave of him. Thus he continued on his way until he
drew near to the city of Samarḳand, when he sent forward a
messenger to inform King Sháh-Zemán of his approach. The messenger
entered the city, inquired the way to the palace, and, introducing
himself to the King, kissed the ground before him,14 and acquainted
him with the approach of his brother's Wezeer; upon which Sháh-Zemán
ordered the chief officers of his court, and the great men of his
kingdom, to go forth a day's journey to meet him; and they did so;
and when they met him, they welcomed him, and walked by his stirrups
until they returned to the city. The Wezeer then presented himself
before the King Sháh-Zemán, greeted him with a prayer for the
divine assistance in his favour, kissed the ground before him, and
informed him of his brother's desire to see him; after which he
handed to him the letter. The King took it, read it, and understood
its contents;15 and answered by expressing his readiness to obey the
commands of his brother. But, said he (addressing the Wezeer), I will
not go until I have entertained thee three days. Accordingly, he
lodged him in a palace befitting his rank, accommodated his troops in
tents, and appointed them all things requisite in the way of food and
drink: and so they remained three days. On the fourth day, he
equipped himself for the journey, made ready his baggage, and
collected together costly presents suitable to his brother's dignity.
These preparations being completed,
he sent forth his tents and camels and mules and servants and guards,
appointed his Wezeer to be governor of the country during his
absence, and set out towards his brother's dominions. At midnight,16
however, he remembered that he had left in his palace an article
which he should have brought with him; and having returned to the
palace to fetch it, he there beheld his wife sleeping in his bed, and
attended by a male negro slave, who had fallen asleep by her side. On
beholding this scene, the world became black before his eyes; and he
said within himself, If this is the case when I have not departed
from the city, what will be the conduct of this vile woman while I am
sojourning with my brother? He then drew his sword, and slew them
both in the bed: after which he immediately returned, gave orders for
departure, and journeyed to his brother's capital.
Sháh-Zemán, after having killed
his Wife
Shahriyár, rejoicing at the tidings
of his approach, went forth to meet him, saluted him, and welcomed
him with the utmost delight. He then ordered that the city should be
decorated on the occasion,17 and sat down to entertain his brother
with cheerful conversation: but the mind of King Sháh-Zemán was
distracted by reflections upon the conduct of his wife; excessive
grief took possession of him; and his countenance became sallow; and
his frame, emaciated. His brother observed his altered condition,
and, imagining that it was occasioned by his absence from his
dominions, abstained from troubling him or asking respecting the
cause, until after the lapse of some days, when at length he said to
him, O my brother, I perceive that thy body is emaciated, and thy
countenance is become sallow. He answered, O brother, I have an
internal sore:—and he informed him not of the conduct of his wife
which he had witnessed. Shahriyár then said, I wish that thou
wouldest go out with me on a hunting excursion; perhaps thy mind
might so be diverted:—but he declined; and Shahriyár went alone to
the chase.18
Meeting of Shahriyár and Sháh-Zemán
Now there were some windows in the
King's palace commanding a view of his garden; and while his brother
was looking out from one of these, a door of the palace was opened,
and there came forth from it twenty females and twenty male black
slaves; and the King's wife, who was distinguished by extraordinary
beauty and elegance,19 accompanied them to a fountain, where they all
disrobed themselves, and sat down together. The King's wife then
called out, O Mes'ood!20 and immediately a black slave came to her,
and embraced her; she doing the like. So also did the other slaves
and the women; and all of them continued revelling together until the
close of the day. When Sháh-Zemán beheld this spectacle, he said
within himself, By Allah! my affliction is lighter than this! His
vexation and grief were alleviated, and he no longer abstained from
sufficient food and drink.
When his brother returned from his
excursion, and they had saluted each other, and King Shahriyár
observed his brother Sháh-Zemán, that his colour had returned, that
his face had recovered the flush of health, and that he ate with
appetite, after his late abstinence, he was surprised, and said, O my
brother, when I saw thee last, thy countenance was sallow, and now
thy colour hath returned to thee: acquaint me with thy state.—As to
the change of my natural complexion, answered Sháh-Zemán, I will
inform thee of its cause; but excuse my explaining to thee the return
of my colour.—First, said Shahriyár, relate to me the cause of the
change of thy proper complexion, and of thy weakness: let me hear
it.—Know then, O my brother, he answered, that when thou sentest
thy Wezeer to me to invite me to thy presence, I prepared myself for
the journey, and when I had gone forth from the city, I remembered
that I had left behind me the jewel that I have given thee; I
therefore returned to my palace for it, and there I found my wife
sleeping in my bed, and attended by a black male slave; and I killed
them both, and came to thee: but my mind was occupied by reflections
upon this affair, and this was the cause of the change of my
complexion, and of my weakness: now, as to the return of my colour,
excuse my informing thee of its cause.—But when his brother heard
these words, he said, I conjure thee by Allah that thou acquaint me
with the cause of the return of thy colour:—so he repeated to him
all that he had seen. I would see this, said Shahriyár, with my own
eye.—Then, said Sháh-Zemán, give out that thou art going again to
the chase, and conceal thyself here with me, and thou shalt witness
this conduct, and obtain ocular proof of it.
Shahriyár's return from the Chase
Shahriyár, upon this, immediately
announced that it was his intention to make another excursion. The
troops went out of the city with the tents, and the King followed
them; and after he had reposed awhile in the camp, he said to his
servants, Let no one come in to me:—and he disguised himself, and
returned to his brother in the palace, and sat in one of the windows
overlooking the garden; and when he had been there a short time, the
women and their mistress entered the garden with the black slaves,
and did as his brother had described, continuing so until the hour of
the afternoon-prayer.
Garden of Shahriyár's Palace
'Efreet and Lady
When King Shahriyár beheld this
occurrence, reason fled from his head, and he said to his brother
Sháh-Zemán, Arise, and let us travel whither we please, and
renounce the regal state, until we see whether such a calamity as
this have befallen any other person like unto us; and if not, our
death will be preferable to our life. His brother agreed to his
proposal, and they went out from a private door of the palace, and
journeyed continually, days and nights, until they arrived at a tree
in the midst of a meadow, by a spring of water, on the shore of the
sea. They drank of this spring, and sat down to rest; and when the
day had a little advanced, the sea became troubled before them, and
there arose from it a black pillar, ascending towards the sky, and
approaching the meadow. Struck with fear at the sight, they climbed
up into the tree, which was lofty; and thence they gazed to see what
this might be: and behold, it was a Jinnee,21 of gigantic stature,
broad-fronted and bulky, bearing on his head a chest.22 He landed,
and came to the tree into which the two Kings had climbed, and,
having seated himself beneath it, opened the chest, and took out of
it another box, which he also opened; and there came forth from it a
young woman, fair and beautiful, like the shining sun. When the
Jinnee cast his eyes upon her, he said, O lady of noble race, whom I
carried off on thy wedding-night, I have a desire to sleep a
little:—and he placed his head upon her knee, and slept. The damsel
then raised her head towards the tree, and saw there the two Kings;
upon which she removed the head of the Jinnee from her knee, and,
having placed it on the ground, stood under the tree, and made signs
to the two Kings, as though she would say, Come down, and fear not
this 'Efreet.23 They answered her, We conjure thee by Allah that thou
excuse us in this matter. But she said, I conjure you by the same
that ye come down; and if ye do not, I will rouse this 'Efreet, and
he shall put you to a cruel death. So, being afraid, they came down
to her; and, after they had remained with her as long as she
required, she took from her pocket a purse, and drew out from this a
string, upon which were ninety-eight seal-rings;24 and she said to
them, Know ye what are these? They answered, We know not.—The
owners of these rings, said she, have, all of them, been admitted to
converse with me, like as ye have, unknown to this foolish 'Efreet;
therefore, give me your two rings,25 ye brothers. So they gave her
their two rings from their fingers; and she then said to them, This
'Efreet carried me off on my wedding-night, and put me in the box,
and placed the box in the chest, and affixed to the chest seven
locks, and deposited me, thus imprisoned, in the bottom of the
roaring sea, beneath the dashing waves; not knowing that, when one of
our sex desires to accomplish any object, nothing can prevent her. In
accordance with this, says one of the poets:—
Never trust in women; nor rely upon
their vows; For their pleasure and displeasure depend upon their
passions. They offer a false affection; for perfidy lurks within
their clothing. By the tale of Yoosuf
26
be admonished, and guard against
their stratagems. Dost thou not consider that Iblees ejected Adam by
means of woman?
And another poet says:—
Abstain from censure; for it will
strengthen the censured, and increase desire into violent passion. If
I suffer such passion, my case is but the same as that of many a man
before me: For greatly indeed to be wondered at is he who hath kept
himself safe from women's artifice.
27
When the two Kings heard these words
from her lips, they were struck with the utmost astonishment, and
said, one to the other, If this is an 'Efreet, and a greater calamity
hath happened unto him than that which hath befallen us, this is a
circumstance that should console us:—and immediately they departed,
and returned to the city.
As soon as they had entered the
palace, Shahriyár caused his wife to be beheaded, and in like manner
the women and black slaves; and thenceforth he made it his regular
custom, every time that he took a virgin to his bed, to kill her at
the expiration of the night. Thus he continued to do during a period
of three years; and the people raised an outcry against him, and fled
with their daughters, and there remained not a virgin in the city of
a sufficient age for marriage.28 Such was the case when the King
ordered the Wezeer to bring him a virgin according to his custom; and
the Wezeer went forth and searched, and found none; and he went back
to his house enraged and vexed, fearing what the King might do to
him.
Now the Wezeer had two daughters;
the elder of whom was named Shahrazád; and the younger, Dunyázád.
The former had read various books of histories, and the lives of
preceding kings, and stories of past generations: it is asserted that
she had collected together a thousand books of histories, relating to
preceding generations and kings, and works of the poets: and she said
to her father on this occasion, Why do I see thee thus changed, and
oppressed with solicitude and sorrows? It has been said by one of the
poets:—
Tell him who is oppressed with
anxiety, that anxiety will not last: As happiness passeth away, so
passeth away anxiety.
When the Wezeer heard these words
from his daughter, he related to her all that had happened to him
with regard to the King: upon which she said, By Allah, O my father,
give me in marriage to this King: either I shall die, and be a ransom
for one of the daughters of the Muslims, or I shall live, and be the
cause of their deliverance from him.29—I conjure thee by Allah,
exclaimed he, that thou expose not thyself to such peril:—but she
said, It must be so. Then, said he, I fear for thee that the same
will befall thee that happened in the case of the ass and the bull
and the husbandman.—And what, she asked, was that, O my father.
The Wezeer and his two Daughters
Know, O my daughter, said the
Wezeer, that there was a certain merchant, who possessed wealth and
cattle, and had a wife and children; and God, whose name be exalted,
had also endowed him with the knowledge of the languages of beasts
and birds.30 The abode of this merchant was in the country; and he
had, in his house, an ass and a bull.31 When the bull came to the
place where the ass was tied, he found it swept and sprinkled;32 in
his manger were sifted barley and sifted cut straw,33 and the ass was
lying at his ease; his master being accustomed only to ride him
occasionally, when business required, and soon to return: and it
happened, one day, that the merchant overheard the bull saying to the
ass, May thy food benefit thee!34 I am oppressed with fatigue, while
thou art enjoying repose: thou eatest sifted barley, and men serve
thee; and it is only occasionally that thy master rides thee, and
returns; while I am continually employed in ploughing, and turning
the mill.35—The ass answered,36 When thou goest out to the field,
and they place the yoke upon thy neck, lie down, and do not rise
again, even if they beat thee; or, if thou rise, lie down a second
time; and when they take thee back, and place the beans before thee,
eat them not, as though thou wert sick: abstain from eating and
drinking a day, or two days, or three; and so shalt thou find rest
from trouble and labour.—Accordingly, when the driver came to the
bull with his fodder, he ate scarcely any of it; and on the morrow,
when the driver came again to take him to plough, he found him
apparently quite infirm: so the merchant said, Take the ass, and make
him draw the plough in his stead all the day. The man did so; and
when the ass returned at the close of the day, the bull thanked him
for the favour he had conferred upon him by relieving him of his
trouble on that day; but the ass returned him no answer, for he
repented most grievously. On the next day, the ploughman came again,
and took the ass, and ploughed with him till evening; and the ass
returned with his neck flayed by the yoke, and reduced to an extreme
state of weakness; and the bull looked upon him, and thanked and
praised him. The ass exclaimed, I was living at ease, and nought but
my meddling hath injured me! Then said he to the bull, Know that I am
one who would give thee good advice: I heard our master say, If the
bull rise not from his place, take him to the butcher, that he may
kill him, and make a naṭạ37 of his skin:—I am therefore in fear
for thee, and so I have given thee advice; and peace be on thee!—When
the bull heard these words of the ass, he thanked him, and said,
To-morrow I will go with alacrity:—so he ate the whole of his
fodder, and even licked the manger.—Their master, meanwhile, was
listening to their conversation.
The Ass at Plough
On the following morning, the
merchant and his wife went to the bull's crib, and sat down there;
and the driver came, and took out the bull; and when the bull saw his
master, he shook his tail, and showed his alacrity by sounds and
actions, bounding about in such a manner that the merchant laughed
until he fell backwards. His wife, in surprise, asked him, At what
dost thou laugh? He answered, At a thing that I have heard and seen;
but I cannot reveal it; for if I did, I should die. She said, Thou
must inform me of the cause of thy laughter, even if thou die.—I
cannot reveal it, said he: the fear of death prevents me.—Thou
laughedst only at me, she said; and she ceased not to urge and
importune him until he was quite overcome and distracted. So he
called together his children, and sent for the Ḳáḍee38 and
witnesses, that he might make his will, and reveal the secret to her,
and die: for he loved her excessively, since she was the daughter of
his paternal uncle, and the mother of his children, and he had lived
with her to the age of a hundred and twenty years.39 Having assembled
her family and his neighbours, he related to them his story, and told
them that as soon as he revealed his secret he must die; upon which
every one present said to her, We conjure thee by Allah that thou
give up this affair, and let not thy husband, and the father of thy
children, die. But she said, I will not desist until he tell me,
though he die for it. So they ceased to solicit her; and the merchant
left them, and went to the stable to perform the ablution, and then
to return, and tell them the secret, and die.40
The Dog and the Cock
Now he had a cock, with fifty hens
under him, and he had also a dog; and he heard the dog call to the
cock, and reproach him, saying, Art thou happy when our master is
going to die? The cock asked, How so?—and the dog related to him
the story; upon which the cock exclaimed, By Allah! our master has
little sense: I have fifty wives; and I please this, and provoke
that; while he has but one wife, and cannot manage this affair with
her: why does he not take some twigs of the mulberry-tree, and enter
her chamber, and beat her until she dies or repents? She would never,
after that, ask him a question respecting anything.—And when the
merchant heard the words of the cock, as he addressed the dog, he
recovered his reason, and made up his mind to beat her.—Now, said
the Wezeer to his daughter Shahrazád, perhaps I may do to thee as
the merchant did to his wife. She asked, And what did he? He
answered, He entered her chamber, after he had cut off some twigs of
the mulberry-tree, and hidden them there; and then said to her, Come
into the chamber, that I may tell thee the secret while no one sees
me, and then die:—and when she had entered, he locked the
chamber-door upon her, and beat her until she became almost senseless
and cried out, I repent:—and she kissed his hands and his feet, and
repented, and went out with him; and all the company, and her own
family, rejoiced; and they lived together in the happiest manner
until death.
When the Wezeer's daughter heard the
words of her father, she said to him, It must be as I have requested.
So he arrayed her, and went to the King Shahriyár. Now she had given
directions to her young sister, saying to her, When I have gone to
the King, I will send to request thee to come; and when thou comest
to me, and seest a convenient time, do thou say to me, O my sister,
relate to me some strange story to beguile our waking hour:41—and I
will relate to thee a story that shall, if it be the will of God, be
the means of procuring deliverance.
Her father, the Wezeer, then took
her to the King, who, when he saw him, was rejoiced, and said, Hast
thou brought me what I desired? He answered, Yes. When the King,
therefore, introduced himself to her, she wept; and he said to her,
What aileth thee? She answered, O King, I have a young sister, and I
wish to take leave of her. So the King sent to her; and she came to
her sister, and embraced her, and sat near the foot of the bed; and
after she had waited for a proper opportunity, she said, By Allah! O
my sister, relate to us a story to beguile the waking hour of our
night. Most willingly, answered Shahrazád, if this virtuous King
permit me. And the King, hearing these words, and being restless, was
pleased with the idea of listening to the story; and thus, on the
first night of the thousand and one, Shahrazád commenced her
recitations.
Shahriyár unveiling Shahrazád