Handover of Power - Derivation E-Book

Andreas Seidl

• Herausgeber: Books on Demand
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Serie: Handover of Power - European Version
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Seitenzahl: 189

Beschreibung

Problem solving rethought Do you also sometimes worry that you don't know where to start with a solution because of all the problems? And do you also wish you had a wealth of proposals from which you could choose the most suitable ones? What constructive criticism could bring more clarity? This book tells us: ... which problems plague our coexistence today and which solutions can be considered for them ... how readers can become active themselves with the help of this book series and participate democratically in political problem-solving. ... which path the author has taken to look for causes of problematic effects and at the same time has developed suggestions for improvement After 20 years of work on this book series, Andreas Seidl thus ventures a step towards founding a party. In doing so, he entertains his readers both intellectually and visionarily. If this work can give you hope, inspire you or move you to action, it has fulfilled its purpose. Available in German and English

Leseprobe

For You

Volume 1: Summary

Volume 2: Derivation

Volume 3: Constitution

Volume 4: State Organisation

Volume 5: Digital

Volume 6: Media

Volume 7: Labour

Volume 8: Planned Economy

Volume 9: Social Market Economy

Volume 10: Barter Economy

Volume 11: Free Market Economy

Volume 12: Finance

Volume 13: Innovation

Volume 14: Education

Volume 15: Health

Volume 16: Infrastructure

Volume 17: Security

Volume 18: Justice

Volume 19: Foreign Affairs

Volume 20: Integration

Volume 21: Family

Acknowledgements

My thanks go to my family and friends who have made me who I am today. Special thanks to all those who supported me in writing this book. I would like to thank all my classmates, teachers, fellow students, lecturers, demonstrators, activists, colleagues, companies and countries with whom I have had the privilege of sharing the experiences from which all the ideas in this book have emerged. I would like to thank the staff of Books on Demand for their kind helpfulness. I thank the citizens of Seligenstadt for the harmony and solidarity in which I was able to write.

Foreword

This policy concept contains a variety of proposals for possible political reforms. It can be peacefully and democratically adapted to any current political system of any state in the world, but also to political systems in families, clubs, associations or companies. Wherever humans make or submit to rules that manage living together, the following proposals can be helpful. Readers who find the proposals so helpful that they would like to implement them together with like-minded people can contact the author. The contact form on the last page can be used for this purpose.

Faults and defects

I ask for your understanding that this volume was not professionally proofread. I could only afford professional proofreading for the summary. Spelling errors and unfortunate phrasing may therefore occur. As soon as this volume has sold enough to pay for a professional proofreading, it will be done. After that, a new edition will be published.

English version

Please understand that this volume has been translated automatically. I could only afford a professional translation for the summary. Poor wording and spelling errors may therefore occur. In case of doubt, the German version shall prevail. As soon as this volume has sold enough to pay for a professional translation, it will be done. After that, a new edition will be published. It was more important to me that no one in the world should have an information advantage than individual translation errors in the complete work.

Table of contents

1.

Introduction

2.

Summary

3.

Purpose of the book

3.1 Division of the 21 volumes

3.2 Target group of the book

3.3 Risks in the handover of power

3.4 Aims of the book

4.

Problems, solutions, examples

4.1 State organisation

4.1.1 Interdepartmental parties

4.1.2 Irresponsible politicians

4.1.3 Short-term decisions with long-term damage

4.1.4 Government past the will of the people

4.1.5 Power vacuum during revolutions

4.2 Digital

4.2.1 Obsolete analogue state system

4.2.2 Unprotected data

4.2.3 Internet as a lawless space

4.3 Media

4.3.1 Manipulated role models

4.3.2 Manipulative reporting

4.3.3 Ideologically controlled editorial offices

4.4 Labour

4.4.1 Cumbersome bureaucracy

4.4.2 Opaque labour market

4.4.3 Insecure company data

4.4.4 Ongoing real wage reductions

4.4.5 Disadvantaged employees

4.4.6 Unfair pension system

4.4.7 Ineffective consumer protection

4.4.8 Finance economy without alternatives

4.4.9 Blind Financial Supervisory Authority

4.4.10 Environmentally damaging agriculture

4.5 Economy

4.5.1 Monopoly of an economic form

4.5.2 Dwindling middle class

4.5.3 Economy away from nature

4.5.4 Social dumping

4.5.5 Useless social welfare

4.5.6 Flawed communist planned economy

4.5.7 Risky cyclical fluctuations in the global economy

4.6 Finance

4.6.1 Indebted states

4.6.2 Unfair fiscal equalisation

4.6.3 Complicated tax system

4.6.4 Uncoordinated state banks

4.6.5 Central Banks in the currency war

4.6.6 International financial markets create impoverishment

4.7 Innovation

4.7.1 Market power of obsolete technologies

4.7.2 Partisan professors and studies

4.7.3 Unfree research

4.7.4 Insufficient protection of new ideas

4.8 Education

4.8.1 Incapacitated pupils

4.8.2 Incapacitated teachers

4.8.3 Repeat class level

4.8.4 Uncoordinated education system

4.8.5 Inappropriate curriculum

4.9 Health

4.9.1 Too many unnecessary health insurance companies

4.9.2 No health insurance approval despite healing

4.9.3 Profits from patients who remain ill

4.9.4 Haphazardly through the pandemic

4.9.5 Health-threatening environmental pollution

4.10 Infrastructure

4.10.1 Obsolete networks

4.10.2 Exploitation of domestic raw materials

4.10.3 Expensive disposal and insufficient recycling

4.10.4 Overpriced real estate market

4.10.5 Wasteful traffic

4.10.6 Finite and harmful energy production

4.11 Security

4.11.1 Exploitative foreign missions

4.11.2 Destructive arms industry

4.11.3 Disproportionate arming of the security forces

4.11.4 Political abuse of the powerless police force

4.11.5 Secret services in action against their own people

4.11.6 Private security services without democratic control

4.11.7 Borderless crime and economic flight

4.11.8 Haphazardly disaster management

4.12 Justice

4.12.1 Partisan judges

4.12.2 Unaffordable lengthy court proceedings

4.12.3 Expensive penal system

4.12.4 Unclear legal situations

4.13 Foreign Affairs

4.13.1 International anarchy

4.13.2 Exploitative globalisation

4.13.3 Ineffective development aid

4.14 Integration

4.14.1 Discriminatory dual citizenship

4.14.2 Parallel societies

4.14.3 Exclusion or preference of cultures and religions

4.14.4 Immigration to the detriment of employees and immigrants

4.14.5 Intolerable asylum procedures

4.15 Family

4.15.1 Rightless childhood

4.15.2 Neglected youths

4.15.3 Criminalisation of love

4.15.4 Lonely senior citizens

4.15.5 Compulsion to live

5.

About the author

5.1 My motivation

5.2 My vision

5.3 My goal

5.4 My beliefs

5.5 My educational background

5.5.1 Youth

5.5.2 Military service

5.5.3 Academic studies

5.5.4 Field studies

5.5.5 Training

5.6 My first experience with politics

5.7 My image of humans

5.8 My first concept from 2009

5.8.1 Introduction video

5.8.2 Interview form

5.9 My procedure

6.

Notes to the reader

6.1 Operating instructions

6.2 Numbers and numerals

6.3 Male form

6.4 Unpopular proposals

6.5 Suggestions for improvement

6.6 Inventions

6.7 Become active

6.8 Game of Life

6.8.1 Welcome to the game of life

6.8.2 Welcome to the 21st century

6.8.3 Welcome to the system

6.8.4 Welcome to the finish

Contact form

1 Introduction

I became interested in politics when I was about 17. In the beginning, I stood with school friends and we grumbled about politics. That’s when I realised that it made me unhappy just to complain and not be able to do anything about it. So I wanted to think of solutions and talk about them rather than problems. I started to write down all my ideas in a diary. My intention was to turn them into a party programme that could be used to found a party. My hope was to be able to make a difference. My fear was that I would end up as an old man who only grumbles and is angry that he never tried to solve the problems.

This is how my mission for the handover of power began. In the beginning, the goal was “You must know your enemies in order to be able to fight them”, later it became “You must become the head of government in order to effectively solve the problems” and today it is “Change the current system and thus save humanity”. These ever-increasing goals became necessary because I realised that further down in the system I could not eliminate the cause, but only mitigate the effect. Colloquially, one says: “The fish stinks from the head.” So it was clear where I had to start. I also noticed that many humans were affected, worldwide.

I wanted to know who was responsible for this and get to know this person. It was not until the last final exam of my political science degree and after numerous internships in the halls of power that I found the answer. It is not a single human or a group of humans. It is a flawed system to which humans have adapted. I was able to identify four faults that are so central that they are the cause of all the problems that follow. The faults cause human behaviour that does more damage than good to humanity. The good thing about this is firstly the realisation that no human is inherently evil or stupid. Only in living together with other humans do they adapt to a system made by humans. The good thing is that we humans created this system, so we can change it. All we need is a procedure that not only allows us to adapt, but also gives us the opportunity to question the adaptation and, if necessary, to recognise and correct faults.

2 Summary

This volume serves to present the need for the other volumes through problems, solutions and examples, as well as the intention of this book. First, I will name the faults in the system and the resulting problems and underline them with examples. This is followed by approaches to solutions, which are described in detail in all volumes of the book. At the end, I will give an insight into my personality and which basic attitudes have influenced me in writing this book. Finally, I turn to you personally, dear reader. I give you hints to help you read and understand and how you can join in if you feel like doing so after reading the book.

3 Purpose of the book

The purpose of the book is to give all humans in the world a proposal on how they can peacefully take power in their state. After the democratic handover of power, they can democratically shape their lives together in a self-determined way. From the very beginning, this book was to become a party programme so that humans all over the world could found this party and run for election. Known party programmes, however, usually remain very vague in their statements about reforms and proposed solutions. Election programmes and government programmes are more precise. However, this gives voters incomplete information about the vision that a party is pursuing.

The name of the new party is Dynamic People’s Party. It is dynamic because citizens can have more or less say, depending on their willingness to participate. Citizens can also live close to nature or technically, with a lot or little free time, money, like-minded people or neighbours, depending on their attitudes to life. They can change their attitudes several times in their lives, whenever it suits them. Most of the time, this is left up to them if no one else is affected. Often, a minimum number of humans is needed if a group of affected people wants to create its own rules in a delimited area. This is So-called minority protection. The majority determines the generally applicable rules in the form of the constitution, the laws and the election of politicians. This is where the name People’s Party comes from, because every single citizen in the people and every policy area is included and it is not an issue party.

3.1 Division of the 21 volumes

With its 21 volumes, the book contains all the necessary information for the handover of power. In the volume summarising all the other 20 volumes, humans can quickly get an overview and create a party programme. In the derivation volume, readers are told what problems in the policy system and views of the author led to the proposals in the other volumes. The derivation can be used in election campaigns. The 18 volumes on the ministries and the volume on the constitution form the government programme. The derivation and the government programme can be used to prepare election programmes for individual elections involving different areas of accountability. The adaptations are made possible by using only the appropriate chapters from each volume. These contents then only need to be adapted to the respective current and local circumstances. Families, clubs, companies, cities, municipalities, regions, countries, confederations and international organisations can use the political contents, processes and structures to deal with each other more peacefully and effectively.

3.2 Target group of the book

All humans of the earth are part of the target group of this book, because they belong to the humanity that this book wants to save. The book is written in an understandable language with as few foreign words as possible, which are described when they first appear. There is no group of humans that is oppressed. Everyone can be the architect of his or her own fortune without causing damage to others. All humans worldwide have the same needs. Each individual wants to give and receive sufficient air, water, food, health, clothing, living space, affection, as well as separation and commonality from and with other humans. The natural need of our species is for humanity to survive. This book provides proposals on how all these needs can be met for all humans and humanity. Even if there are humans who do not like proposals, the book contains ways in which these humans can create their own proposals and put them to the citizens or party members for election. This makes it possible to involve any opposition in order to win over an absolute majority of voters for the party programme as quickly as possible. The divide between right and left will be eliminated because the policy areas will offer suitable solutions for right and left voters.

3.3 Risks in the handover of power

A change of power in the form of a peaceful revolution carries the risk of chaos after the disempowerment, because it is not clear how power will be redistributed and to whom. That is why this book is so extensive. If a majority is to be mobilised to change the current system with its rulers, then it must be clear to everyone what will happen before, during and after the handover of power. This takes away the fear of all participants as to what their future will look like and that they would have to fear for their lives afterwards. Economic relations in particular thus receive legal certainty. Private and state relations receive planning security. In order to make the handover of power as smooth and non-violent as possible, new rules are gradually introduced and old rules are dismantled. The participants set the pace by asking for their opinions through surveys and voting. Politicians who do not adhere to the programmes determined in their election of persons are replaced.

The book offers a novel form of governance that can be adapted to all current political systems in the world. This means private, economic and state systems, but the book focuses on state political management. This new kind of political system works as fast, digitally, democratically and profit-oriented as no political system before. This eliminates the risk of states not changing rapidly after the handover of power. The new form of government is a reinsurance for voters and against dictators. Top candidates and party leaders of the new dynamic People’s Party become heads of government or presidents of a state if they win the elections, but they abolish this office in their first term with an absolute majority. They then distribute power among 18 ministers and directly elected politicians for specific offices. Decision-makers become electable and as soon as a majority of voters is found, new elections are held. The book can also be abused if the participants, minorities or the people are not affected. Then only certain proposals would be implemented without introducing the new form of government. For this case, there is the chapter on State Security in the Ministry of State Organisation. It says how the people can take back power from autocrats or electoral fraudsters.

The book offers a chapter on the changeover to the new system for each ministry. This makes it clear which measures will be necessary after the handover of power in each individual policy area. There is a risk here of not having taken into account all the circumstances that apply to the respective system. In this book, the changeover is illustrated using the example of Germany. In the case of a family, city, municipality, organisation, club, company, confederation or other country, appropriate requirements must be made without which the changeover cannot be completed.

3.4 Aims of the book

This book comes from the author’s diary of ideas when he was rethinking policy. While studying theory and practice, he saw himself as a social researcher and system designer. Over two decades, this resulted in a new world order called “dynamic media democracy”. The name describes a policy system of how humanity can be unleashed to form a new world in which it wants to live. Individual humans communicate via the media and thus become active together as humanity. External determination by individuals is abolished. Politically unstable conditions are peacefully transformed into long-term stable and innovative conditions. Using four economic forms, individuals can decide for more or less freedom or security and join forces with like-minded people. The new worldview can be implemented by small communities, but also by all states in the world. The scope of application is scalable and thus dissemination can proceed quickly and across the board. The book contains proposals for the democratisation of one place and the whole world, world peace, the united states of the world and the future of humanity. It describes the beginning of a new attitude towards life, the end of disenchantment with politics and a democracy in which the common good can flourish. Except in the derivation, nothing and no one is criticised, only solutions are offered without describing the associated problems. Through the proposed solutions, the people learn a way to empower themselves. Whether these descriptions remain fiction or become reality is for each reader to decide. Each volume contains a contact form on the last page to get involved.

Metaphorically speaking, humanity is embarking on a journey to a new world. It knows where the journey is going, what paths and obstacles there are and sets off unstoppably full of drive. It makes faults along the way, learns from them and celebrates its small and large successes.

The political concept of this book can be adapted to any current system of any state in the world. Using Germany as an example, the handover of power is made clear through the formation of a party, participation in elections to parliament, the formation of a government and the government programme for all ministries. Participation in elections can be possible in different ways in different countries. The decisive factor is the election from which a government emerges. Depending on whether the election is for the government of a city, a region, a federal state or an entire country, only the applicable parts are taken from the volumes of this book. Exactly which parts are extracted depends on the areas of accountability that the government in question has and that are related to the corresponding department.

Undemocratic states that do not elect their government democratically are in the mode of indirect democracy, where ministers decide and act on their own authority, but without opportunities for citizens to participate. Citizens must first obtain these opportunities for co-determination. How they can do this peacefully and democratically is described in the volumes on state organisation and derivation. In this volume, the chapter on a power vacuum in revolutions describes the procedure that becomes necessary after a revolution.

For assistance, there is a contact form on the last page. Readers can send it to be linked by the author through the contact details provided. They can then form a party for implementation or join a party that wants to implement this new policy concept.

Current rulers of democratic or undemocratic states can also initiate the handover of power to the people themselves by gradually switching to the new system. To do this, they can first create the necessary conditions and then have the deputy ministers elected in all municipalities. Presumably, their people will thank them for this step by electing them in a direct election and only deselecting them as soon as they persistently violate the will of the people. What is decisive is that this new policy system will make more prosperity possible worldwide because it will function more economically and innovatively.

4 Problems, solutions, examples

In the following chapter, I list the crucial problems that led me to develop the ideas for suitable solutions. In this way, I would like to create the possibility of being able to understand my thought processes. The problems and solutions are described in chapters with the same names as the volumes of the ministries affected. The sub-chapters are appropriate names for the faults in the current system. I have either thought up examples, described them in detail in other volumes or experienced them myself.

4.1 State organisation

Three of the four central faults can be found in the political system of organising states. Therefore, it became necessary to invent a new political system. The current system protects itself with its mass. By having so many laws and treaties that cover hundreds of pages, it becomes impossible for an individual to understand the system. In the complexity, individual connections of meaning get lost. However, they are still effective, even if no human can oversee them. That is why a policy system should be based on concise, easy-to-understand rules.

4.1.1 Interdepartmental parties