Practical self-hypnosis (translated) E-Book

anonymous

• Herausgeber: anna ruggieri
• Kategorie: Religion und Spiritualität
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2021

Beschreibung

- This edition is unique;
- The translation is completely original and was carried out for the Ale. Mar. SAS;
- All rights reserved.

From the earliest times of human evolution, Man has distinguished himself from all other forms of life by his insistent determination to adapt environmental conditions to his own ends.
From then until now, Man has evolved, and his main concern has always been to accumulate and control material power superior to his own. The importance of the mind and its functioning has seldom been addressed, and only its pathological aspects. Even the mentally and physically healthy individual is much more concerned with his physical state than with his mental state and all his emotions, periodically performs healthy gymnastic exercises, buys vitamins and invigorating foods and is much more concerned with the wrinkles on his face than with his mental state. The capacity of the human body in its muscular forces is well known and has long been applied to efficient and disciplined functions; but not so with the mental capacity. This book describes the general theory and techniques for learning or teaching the art of relaxing, concentrating and disciplining the mental faculties. In its simplicity, this is what self-hypnosis aims to achieve. The method described in the text involves the use of symbols necessary to achieve the hypnotic state, and symbols further used to reinforce suggestions made for therapeutic purposes. The symbols chosen are congenial to the patient so that each time the symbol is perceived, the related suggestion will be reinforced and the effect will be further enhanced until the intended goal is achieved. It is well known that we respond to symbols of all kinds in the course of every daily activity. In the present technique for self-hypnosis the use of symbols is made more effective by the use of the well-known psychological principles of conditioning and reinforcement. However, in the hypnotic state, with complete relaxation and full concentration on the part of the subject, conditioning and reinforcement are so effective that they sometimes seem almost miraculous. This book is therefore a useful and practical guide for anyone who believes in the possibilities of improving many of the functions of the mind with a well-organised use of the technique itself. Often, more sophisticated hypnotic techniques are employed, but the patient who has a good knowledge of self-hypnosis and can use it is happier, calmer and more reassured because he has learned that aberration in emotions and attitudes can aggravate his illness and that anxiety is always harmful; and he has also learned that he can exercise control over these phenomena by using self-hypnotic techniques intelligently and under competent guidance. However, intelligent use of self-hypnosis offers many advantages to the individual for whom an increase in the efficiency of concentration, relaxation, self-control and learning ability is essential.
 

Leseprobe

INDEX

Introduction

Preface

CHAPTER I - Some principles on conditioning

CHAPTER II - Mindset

CHAPTER III - Perception and adaptation

CHAPTER IV - General technical concepts

CHAPTER V - Instructions for the assistant

CHAPTER VI - Mechanical aids

CHAPTER VII - Deepening and evaluating the trance

CHAPTER VIII - Distortion of time perception

CHAPTER IX - Improving recall skills

CHAPTER X - Obesity

CHAPTER XI - Elimination of pain

CHAPTER XII - Anxiety

CHAPTER XIII - Allergies

CHAPTER XIV - Sexual Disorders

Practical self-hypnosis

The best theoretical and practical contribution to the benefits of self-hypnosis

Anonymous

Translation and 2021 edition by Planet Editions

All rights reserved

Introduction

From the earliest times of human evolution, Man has distinguished himself from all other forms of life by his insistent determination to adapt environmental conditions to his own ends. From then until now, Man has evolved, and his main concern has always been to accumulate and control material power superior to his own. The digging spade gave way to the stone axe and this to the bronze-tipped spear and the wheel. The Phoenicians captured the wind for their blue-hulled vessels and rowed the seas from the Arctic to the Equator.

Man's historical progress has been narrated primarily in terms of his increasing control over the physical aspects of life and the environment. The sciences grew out of his constant efforts to achieve these ends. The ancient Greeks and Egyptians organised control over material force through mathematics, physics and astronomy.

Working in a natural world it was inevitable that medicine would take on its own structure, an important and separate subject of study. Throughout the classroom of medicine we can only see the accurate examination of physical conditions. Cruel operations were skilfully performed, and the oldest writings of man contain many sound indications and advice regarding the best procedures for performing amputations, incisions and even stone removal.

The importance of the mind and its functioning was seldom addressed, and only the pathological aspects of the mind.

In ancient times, the mentally ill were hung in chains, thrown into the snake pit or subjected to horrific torture. We have certainly learned more about the structure and functioning of the human mind in the last 50 years than in all previous times. There are still vast gaps in this area of our knowledge. Our overcrowded hospitals for mental illness offer a tragic testimony to our limited knowledge of the subject.

Even the mentally and physically healthy individual is much more concerned with his physical state than with his mental state and all his emotions. He periodically performs healthy gymnastic exercises, worries about his golf score, buys vitamins and invigorating foods, inspects his tongue daily and is much more concerned about the wrinkles on his face than about his mental state. The capacity of the human body in its muscular forces is well known and has long been applied to efficient and disciplined functions; not so for mental capacity.

Mr Sparks has described in this volume the general theory and techniques for learning or teaching the art of relaxing, concentrating and disciplining the mental faculties. In its simplicity this is what self-hypnosis aims to achieve. The method described in the text involves the use of symbols necessary to achieve the hypnotic state, and symbols further used to reinforce suggestions made for therapeutic purposes. The symbols chosen are congenial to the patient so that each time the symbol is perceived, the related suggestion will be strengthened and the effect will be further enhanced until the goal is achieved.

It is well known that we respond to symbols of all kinds in the course of every daily activity. In this technique for self-hypnosis, the use of symbols is made more effective by the application of the well-known psychological principles of conditioning and reinforcement. However, in the hypnotic state, with complete relaxation and full concentration on the part of the subject, conditioning and reinforcement are so effective that they sometimes seem almost miraculous. This book is therefore a useful and practical guide for anyone who believes in the possibilities of improving many functions of the mind with a well-organised and disciplined use of the technique itself. We all know that there are individuals who are able to wake up at the desired time and who are able to study with the radio blaring and the children cackling. These are all unrecognised examples of what "self-hypnotic" techniques can achieve in a completely disorganised and confused situation. Self-hypnosis therefore essentially involves a series of mind-setting exercises. I wish there was another word for it instead of 'hypnosis'; the term has a semantic charge that gives it another meaning and, to many of us, brings to mind a lot of the theatrical nonsense that characterised its inception. Over the past four years, I have applied the techniques described here to carefully selected patients for my allergy and dermatology treatments. I have carried out my experiments under the guidance of Dr Sparks and the results have forced me to discard my initial scepticism about "hypnosis" as an "ethical" medical technique. One of our first patients was a 48-year-old man suffering from acute dermatitis affecting eighty percent of his epidermis.

He had been referred to me for a consultation by a specialist in Southern California who had treated him for eight years without benefit. I treated him for two years with traditional methods, but the patient continued to deteriorate to the point where he had to quit his job. I had given him steroids, antihistamines, tranquilisers and all the latest drugs. Under hypnosis a lot of material emerged which we used to reduce his anxiety states and with self-hypnosis I managed to control and master the itching and strengthen his acceptance of new values and a new role for himself. After six weeks the skin was completely healed and he has been working for two and a half years now without taking any medication. Using self-hypnosis, a pretty school teacher eliminated a disfiguring facial grimace. This tic-like habit had appeared when she was twelve years old and had affected the development of her personality to such an extent that she became shy and grumpy. In the self-induced hypnotic state she had to look at herself several times and she wasted time talking and laughing without the unpleasant grimace.

He steretised himself using words that, in a waking state, triggered the manifestation of the tic, and after four months all traces of the grimace had disappeared. More than two and a half years have passed without any relapse.

Illustrative cases such as these are not uncommon, but they are a typical demonstration of what a patient can achieve under the guidance of a doctor who is willing to cooperate with him. Often, more sophisticated hypnotic techniques are employed, but the patient who has a good knowledge of self-hypnosis and can use it is happier, calmer and more reassured because he has learned that aberration in emotions and attitudes can aggravate his illness and that anxiety is always harmful; and he has also learned that he can exercise control over these phenomena by using self-hypnotic techniques intelligently and under competent guidance.

All those who know hypnosis and self-hypnosis in depth recognise these phenomena as natural and productive, but only valid within certain limits in the vast field of medicine and psychology. Hypnosis is not a "cure-all". Although it is effective for anaesthesia and obstetrics in about 20% of cases, in another 20% it gives practically no benefit. In about 60% of cases, the results may vary from a slight increase in the ability to relax to a partial development of anaesthesia. Patients with unstable balance, burdened by anxiety, should certainly be kept under medical supervision. No one should authorise experiments in this field without due knowledge, seriousness of purpose and an overall view of the problem.

However, intelligent use of self-hypnosis offers many advantages to the individual, for whom an increase in efficiency of concentration, relaxation, self-control and learning ability is essential.

The overworked doctor, worried about his ulcer or atheromatous coronary arteries, would do well to learn this technique for his own use; ten minutes a day is the equivalent of at least four hours of restful sleep and ten more years of productive life.

Preface

There are many advantages to studying self-hypnosis.

Below is a list in two groups of typical conditions for which the method can be applied with a favourable result.

The reader who intends to use self-hypnosis for therapeutic purposes is strongly advised to consult a physician or psychiatrist to determine whether or not the constitutional patterns, symptoms and conditions he or she wishes to modify require a precise diagnosis and further treatment. In such a case, self-hypnosis may still prove to be a valuable adjunct if applied according to the doctor's instructions.

The first group includes relatively minor problems that often find rapid relief with self-hypnosis. The second group includes manifestations of more serious conditions whose general treatment will require medical guidance.

The techniques we describe may in this case facilitate other prescribed treatments.

First group

Improvement of intellectual skills, including: (1) Concentration, (2) mnemonic fixation, (3) reenactment, (4) creative imagination, (5) constructive thinking and (6) graphic and artistic expression.

Affirmation of positive personality characteristics, (1) self-confidence, (2) assertiveness, (3) motivation, (4) determination and achievement of one's goals.

Correction of harmful behaviour patterns, including: (1) sucessful smoking, drinking and eating, (2) procrastination, (3) restlessness and inability to relax, (4) insomnia and (5) mild forms of compulsions and obsessions.

Alleviation of mild states of anxiety due to: (1) inferiority complexes, (2) stage shyness and panic, and (3) environmental tensions arising from difficult professional, marital or other situations.

Second group

Pain relief or elimination for: (1) dental treatment, (2) surgical, obstetric and orthopaedic interventions, and (3) relief of intractable symptoms.

Control of various conditions such as: (1) anxiety, tension and fatigue, (2) obesity, (3) alcoholism, (4) obsessive and compulsive reactions, (5) enuresis, (6) onychophagia, (7) phobic reactions, (8) psychosomatic symptoms, and (9) abnormal behaviour patterns.

This list is considerably shortened. It is intended to give the reader some insight into the different types of conditions that can reasonably be influenced. As mentioned above, the desirability of professional assistance before the use of these techniques cannot be stressed enough, for reasons even remotely related to the conditions listed in the second group.

There is a possibility of alleviating or completely eliminating symptoms even if the underlying causes remain. This can lead to serious consequences as it may conceal a treatable disorder that could develop into a more serious disease caused by delaying appropriate medical treatment.

Contrary to the opinions expressed by some practitioners, the author firmly believes that it would be difficult to find a more harmless method than hypnotism. The published material on the so-called "dangers" of hypnotism and the warnings about its use are certainly not borne out by the facts.

Since the beginning of the 17th century, men such as Braid, Esdaile, Mesmer, Elliotson, Bernheim, Bramwell and, more recently, LeCron, Erikson, Wolberg, Weitzenhoffer and many, many others, have reported on literally thousands of cases in which hypnosis and self-hypnosis were used without a single accident or harmful result.

It would seem, therefore, that unfavourable results were rare and were due not to hypnosis, but to the physician's lack of understanding of how to constructively apply his techniques for therapeutic purposes. The person who enters the hypnotic state tends to behave according to the idea that he has of the behaviour of a hypnotised subject. Appropriate guidance and mental set-up before and during trance will arrest the spontaneous and bizarre behaviour noted by those hypnotists who do not take the trouble to instruct and inform their patients intelligently.

The facts clearly indicate that no harm can befall the hypnotised person even if the suggestion that it might happen is formulated. This is because the individual has innate safety mechanisms that serve to protect him or her against poorly formulated direct or indirect suggestions and against the wrong use of hypnotic methods.

Some of the previous remarks concerning the advice to proceed with caution while minimising any possible danger may seem contradictory. The explanation is simple; when dealing with matters so intimately connected with human emotions and conditions, it is better to consider every eventuality and take all necessary precautions.

Although it is possible for an individual to practice self-hypnosis without assistance, it is much easier to do so with the help of another person. Ideally, this person should be specialised in hypnotic techniques and qualified in the field in which the techniques are to be applied.

It is essential to devote some time daily to practice until certain responses are adequately stabilised as described in the text. This time may vary from 15 minutes to half an hour a day for 8-16 weeks or more depending on factors such as individual problems, motivation and ability.

Virtually any person who can read, understand and follow the text can expect some positive results such as an improved ability to relax at will. About 20 or 30 per cent can reasonably expect to achieve exceptionally good results. The others can expect benefits of varying degrees. Some react very quickly and easily. Others require considerable time and effort.

Unfortunately, there are no known ways to predict the results on a particular individual. Only by trying can the results be evaluated. For many, however, achieving the ability to relax is worth the effort in itself. Any further progress should be considered as more. If and when you decide to start, you should make appointments with a specialist for at least one hour, once or twice a week, in addition to the 15-30 minute exercises every day or evening. If you are able to go it alone, daily exercises will be sufficient.

During the time you are being assisted, a copy of this book will be of great help to the other person.

For years these techniques have been used with a high success rate in the induction of hypnosis and the development of self-hypnosis, by doctors themselves. The latter, including psychiatrists and those in other professions, are notoriously poor hypnotists. This concept of developing hypnotic abilities through a series of conditioned responses evidently overcomes much of their resistance and attracts them not only as an effective and practical method that can be used in the treatment of their patients, but also as a means of increasing their own abilities.

The author sincerely hopes that this book will contribute to a better understanding of hypnosis and the possible benefits of its judicious use by doctors and laymen alike.

Although it is certainly not the panacea that many try to make it out to be, neither should hypnosis be understood as a mystical, supernatural or occult phenomenon and it should not be absurdly feared, especially when practised by people who have an ethical experience of its application. It can be valuable for many purposes. Let us try not to exaggerate these salutations and exaggerate, beyond fair proportion, the meagre conclusions about more or less beneficial results.

CHAPTER I - Some principles on conditioning

At the beginning of the century, the Russian physiologist, Ivan Pavlov, became known for his experiments on the digestive functions of dogs. One of his incidental discoveries, destined to assume even greater importance later on, was based on the observation that dogs can be trained, or conditioned, to salivate at the sound of a bell. The value of this discovery, in relation to behaviour, lies in the fact that it was subsequently demonstrated that humans can be conditioned to respond to a stimulus in a way that differs from that commonly produced by the application of that particular type of stimulus. To be clearer, we will say that it is not unusual to predict the reaction in a dog subjected to the sight or smell of food, especially if the animal is hungry and the food is not far away from him.

However, the occurrence of this phenomenon, without the presence of food, but at the mere ringing of a bell is a rather unexpected fact unless, of course, the observer is dedicated to the study of the processes of conditioned responses. This, and many other types of behaviour, can be produced by repeatedly subjecting an animal (including man) to a stimulus that elicits the desired response, while, almost simultaneously, exposing it to the new stimulus by which the same response is to be elicited. This new stimulus will be analogous to the sound of the bell mentioned above and not such as to habitually provoke the response that one is trying to condition.

Anyone wishing to implement self-hypnosis through these techniques must have an absolute mastery of these principles, a mastery that is essential not only for the development of the technique itself, but also for the intelligent use of the instructions contained in the following chapters.

Therefore, we will describe several other examples of conditioned responses in animals, and illustrate the importance of applying these principles in relation to human behaviour.

Let us first consider the effects that different types of conditioning will have on an ordinary domestic cat - a cat that is sociable, healthy, and overall quite satisfied with its life.

Let us now suppose that our cat is placed in a large cage with plenty of room to move around and is fed daily from a box in a particular corner of the cage. If it is fed every day at about the same time, you will soon notice that the cat becomes more interested in that particular corner, every day at that time. He will tend to move towards that corner and stand there with an air of expectation. It will also approach the box unhurriedly if the amount of food is adequate, or hastily if it is scarce.

Now, if the amount of food is intentionally kept below a satisfactory level, and if a bell is rung a few moments before mealtime each day, the cat will invariably rush to the corner. The conditioning process begins to work. Soon the cat will respond to the ringing of the bell at any time of the day or night, whether the food is there or not.

The response that leads the cat to the corner at the sound of the bell can be better conditioned by the application of a painful stimulus. Imagine that there is a metal grid at the bottom of the cage with a light electric current running through it. If every day, immediately after the bell rings, an electric shock is administered for as long as it takes the cat to reach the corner, the animal's response will soon take on a character of great urgency. After a limited number of experiments with this conditioning technique, the cat will have serious reasons to literally fly to the corner every time it hears the bell ring... even when the sound is not followed by an electric shock. At this point the cat will react to the sound of the bell alone with reactions that would be much more appropriate to the application of the shock. (These may seem a little excessive measures to use against a poor, defenceless animal that was once so sociable, but these are the kind of experiments that have greatly increased our understanding of human behaviour, and are therefore perhaps excusable).

Such conditioning can be taken to far more extreme consequences for the poor cat, causing it to become neurotic or even, to all appearances, psychotic.

Let us suppose that the cat, after having been perfectly conditioned to answer the bell by rushing to the corner, is equally well conditioned to answer the sound of a different bell by rushing just as hastily to the opposite corner. What will happen if the first and second bells ring simultaneously? The cat will have to make a difficult choice: it will be torn between two urgent responses. If the conditioning is continued by applying electric shocks to all areas of the cage at the same time as both bells are rung, thus depriving the cat of any chance of avoiding the unpleasant stimulus, it will soon become nervous and later neurotic.

Increasing the intensity and frequency of the conditioning stimuli can cause the cat to behave like a rabid animal. It will lose all interest in food and will meow and shake at the simultaneous ringing of the bell, ceasing to act in the manner expected of a normal cat.

This adverse condition can be made permanent intentionally and for a specific purpose. What was previously an evil, docile, sociable anis will now be a psychotic bundle of nerves and flesh. Its weight will drop because it will refuse food; it will tremble and arch its back at the slightest provocation and will not respond at all rationally to attempts to approach it or feed it.

Unless steps are taken to desensitise or decondition the animal, there is little chance of recovery. It will continue to react in the abnormal manner described to any stimulus even remotely associated with the environment in which the conditioning occurred. If, however, it is placed in another environment, as different as possible from the one in which the conditioning took place, there is a good chance of recovery. If we can get the cat to eat again and if stimuli such as electric shocks and bells are carefully avoided, the cat may show an increased interest in food and, in time, calm down.

When the cat has resumed normal feeding habits, it can be gradually deprived of food so that the desire for it becomes so strong that it dominates all other responses. At this point the faint ringing of a bell at mealtimes will only cause a slight anxiety that tends to diminish rapidly, and even by gradually increasing the volume of the sound at each meal the anxiety responses can be eliminated altogether. Adopting the same procedure for the ringing of the second bell will remove the anxiety connected with it.

Now that we have seen how the process of conditioning is applied, causing both negative and positive responses in animals, we can proceed to examine what reaction similar processes can have with human behaviour.

Let us suppose that, for experimental reasons, we wish to condition a person to blink the eyelid of his left eye whenever he hears the word 'red'. It has been found that in human beings, unlike animals, an idea or mental symbol has, at least within certain limits, the same effectiveness as a sensory stimulus. In other words, an idea tends to generate the reality of what it represents. What we are trying to determine is whether or not this idea or symbol can provoke a predictable response.

We should first find a way to make our subject blink by applying a controlled stimulus that does not harm him in any way. This could be a puff of air emitted in the direction of the open eye through a tube, such as a common straw. The air stream will be considered the unconditioned stimulus (S I) as it is expected to produce the desired response. After determining the amount or intensity of air needed to force the subject to blink each time, we can say the word "red" (the conditioning stimulus or S C) and have it followed immediately by the breath of air. It has been found that conditioning is most effective when the conditioning stimulus precedes the unconditioned stimulus by a short interval. After several trials, it is observed that the word "red", even if not followed by the puff of air, will cause the person to blink. Eight or ten trials are usually sufficient; if not, another ten or so will certainly obtain the desired result.

Conditioning performed in this way will not be permanent. It will be necessary to reinforce it periodically or to devise a way of "generalising" it with something to which the subject is frequently exposed. So far we have conditioned the response to a sensory stimulus, the sound of the word "red". We can complete the experiment by asking the subject to think of the word "red" on each trial immediately before the breath of air into the eye. He will soon respond correctly to the idea itself. Instead of the word "red" we can use the idea of a food, or an action such as picking up a spoon. The more intense and the more frequent the application of the unconditioned stimulus, the more firmly the response to the conditioned stimulus will be established.

Conditioning to further stimuli in addition to the original ones is called generalisation. This can sometimes occur unexpectedly. If one of these stimuli is something the person does, thinks or is frequently exposed to, the response will automatically be reinforced and made relatively stable.

On the other hand, if the conditioning stimulus is applied frequently without the unconditioned stimulus, the response may decrease and, in time, disappear.

In this way an individual may be conditioned (or self-conditioned) to respond to a mental image or symbol with the desired thoughts, feelings, or actions. Furthermore, desirable responses thus conditioned may dominate or replace undesirable responses previously provoked by the same or similar stimuli.

In everyday life, individuals are exposed to conditioning stimuli. From birth, and from then on, those stimuli, closely linked to the inevitable unconditioning stimuli, constantly condition, generalise and extinguish their responses, both negative and positive. In some individuals many responses are only slightly conditioned and are readily extinguished. In many others, of course, they are intensely conditioned and, unless there is an equally intense exposure to negative stimuli, conditioning will always exist as part of the personality.

Between these two extremes there is an infinite number of responses and patterns of responses subject to infinite degrees of modification and reinforcement. Fortunately, most of them are positive or desirable, that is, they are important factors in survival, learning and enjoyment.

The negative ones are important indicators of emotional trauma, such as adjustment anxiety, tension and fatigue.

Many scholars believe that every human sensation or expression involves conditioning. This is probably true.

Let us now take a hypothetical human being and see how, over a period of time, the principles of conditioned responses can be applied to a variety of situations and patterns of behaviour.

Our subject could be a three or four year old girl living with her parents in a typical American town.

Let us now consider what often happens when she learns to read and speak. Perhaps the child has a book with pictures of animals and their names written in large letters, and she is, for example, repeatedly shown the picture of a cow while simultaneously pronouncing the word "cow". Whenever a suitable opportunity arises she is shown a real cow and again the word is repeated many times. After a sufficient number of such explanations, the child will respond to the sound of the word with a mental image of the printed word, the figure of the cow or the real animal. She will achieve generalised conditioning, so that she will respond to any one of these stimuli with mental images of each or all of the others. It will be a continuous process of reinforcement and the child will eventually "learn" through conditioning responses the relationship of words (symbols), whether printed or spoken, to figures and objects.

Learning is therefore a process of conditioned responses.

Many psychologists believe that there are three methods by which we learn: mechanical repetition or memory; learning by trial and error; and conditioned response.

It is beyond the scope of this work to discuss each of these methods in detail. It is worth pointing out, however, that each involves stimuli and responses, and that mechanical repetition and trial-and-error learning can probably also be explained by response-conditioned learning. It may be, as the author and many other scholars believe, that all learning results from response conditioning. In all likelihood it can be said that learning has occurred when a stimulus-response sequence becomes interchangeable.

When the child learned the word "cow", every symbol connected with the concept of "cow" became interchangeable as a stimulus and/or response. The sight of a real cow acts as a stimulus to provoke in response the visualisation of the printed word. In this case, a sensory image is the stimulus and mental visualisation, the response. It is evident that a sensory image of the printed word (or even a mental image) will now evoke the visualisation of the cow.

We thus have a characteristic of "interchangeability" between stimulus and response.

In learning the full concept of "cow" this must be extended to include the sound of the word and the figure of a cow which the child can describe by word, writing, drawing or pointing to the animal. Before this degree of learning has been reached, the stimulus value of the written word is practically nil: it belongs to the same category as a meaningless syllable and only takes on meaning for the child when it is conditioned, first as a stimulus, then as a response and finally as an interchangeable stimulus-response.

Generalisation begins when symbols not contained in the original concept are associated with it. For example, when the word "milk" is associated with any of the symbols in the cow concept, it will not only serve to reinforce each of these symbols, but will also become firmly embedded in another constellation of symbols such as those associated with "bottle", "white", "food", etc.

We have here a reasonable basis for considering conditioning as the process that forms the substrate of learning and mnemonic fixation. The reader will become more aware of the function of stimulus-response interchangeability by performing the following exercises himself: analyse what happens in your mind, lip muscles and vocal cords while reading the following description: An... animal... white... hairy... with... pink... eyes... and... long... ears.

Has an image of a specific animal formed in your mind? And have you mentally said its name? Observe now what happens when you read the name of this animal.... RABBIT. Perhaps you have said the name within yourself and observed that in doing so your lips move imperceptibly, you have also noticed a difference in the tonicity of your vocal cords.

Do the same with various words such as 'tree', 'car', 'house' etc. Try words that don't describe objects and things such as: "sad", "gay", "laughing", "fast", etc. Talk to someone who knows a foreign language that you do not know and ask him to choose a few words of that language and write them down without telling you at first what they mean or how they sound. Notice how little associative value the mere sight of the word has. Then ask to hear the sound and consider your reaction as you repeat it while continuing to look at the written word. Finally, ask for the meaning of the word and then observe your reactions. Through this process you will become more clearly aware of how learning takes place and you will see for yourself how conditioning plays the main role. You may also want to check how long it takes and how many steps it takes to learn the word so that you are able to write, pronounce and define it without anyone's help.

Despite his research in various texts, he has never found any mention of visualisation as being associated with Pavlovian dog experiments. In the light of the above observations, one might conclude that the ringing of the bell is not the direct stimulus that causes excessive salivation, but is the stimulus that elicits the visualisation of food. This in turn is the stimulus that causes salivation.

It should be clearly understood that mental visualisation is not limited to visual perceptions. Although these are the most common, visualisations of hearing, smell, taste and other sensations such as touch, pain, pressure, tickling, etc. can also be provoked.

In dogs, the visualisation evoked is most likely the olfactory visualisation as dogs do not distinguish between colours. A dog may recognise the difference between certain colours, but this is due more to variations in brightness than in hue. It is also quite unlikely that dogs can conceive ideas.... This is evident when even the best trained dogs show little or no awareness of the reason for their responses to certain stimuli. The author once owned a dog, 'Duke', who, when commanded (usually in the form of a question) 'Duke, what would you rather be, a salesman or a dead dog? "he would let himself fall to the ground and play dead. Duca was conditioned to perform this amusing comedy by responding to the stimulus "dead dog" in return for tasty morsels for each correct answer.

For him, the words that immediately preceded the stimulus were of no importance. To the consternation of the clerks, doctors, artists, etc., and the amusement of the spectators, Duke seemed to prefer 'death' to being classified in any of these professions. Duke's behaviour did not really depend on his power or discriminatory ability. The dog would just as easily throw himself to the ground when asked: 'If you couldn't be a salesman would you want to be a living dog or a dead dog? ».

Duke's training had been perfected through considerable conditioning and many tasty treats. When Duke performed his short act lying on the ground, it was the visualisation, most likely olfactory in nature - the imagined smell of an incoming treat - that kept him pinned to the ground and certainly not the shame of being or not being a salesman.

We find similar principles in the development of our hypothetical child's behavioural patterns. However, given her much more complex nervous system, she will be able to retain and associate a greater number of ideas. Her ideational power is far greater than that of the dog or any other animal. When she is punished for behaving in a certain way or rewarded for certain types of behaviour, she will soon learn to respond Gon appropriate patterns of approach or escape.

We must say again that the intensity and frequency of the conditioning stimuli are directly proportional to the intensity of the response. When the reward is great or the punishment severe, the response is even more deeply conditioned.

It is not the purpose of this book to give a detailed description of the principles of child rearing. We would like to make it clear, however, that when a child is beaten for being 'naughty', the pain of the scapegoat is soon associated in his mind with the action he performed before receiving it. The child soon learns that doing the act invariably leads to a painful result and will be less inclined to do it from that time on.

Of course, if the child sometimes performs the action without being punished, the opposite effect will occur in proportion to the degree of satisfaction the child derives from the action.

There is, however, one very important exception that in no way invalidates the principles in question. This is the case when the child continues to act in the same blameworthy way despite punishment. When this occurs, it simply means that a stronger stimulus is operating in him; for example, the desire to attract attention. When the child feels that he is not the object of the attention he needs, he turns punishment into a "reward". If the only way to attract attention is to do something forbidden, the reward of the attention received may far outweigh the pain of the punishment, and so the reprehensible action will be repeated.

In order to condition a child to give "good" answers, it is necessary to reward him adequately for good actions as well as punish him for "bad" ones. When elements of attention and affection are involved, what may seem to the adult to be a reward or a punishment may be seen by the child in quite the opposite way.

To continue dealing with the possible effects of conditioning responses on our hypothetical subject, we might consider how the child learns to avoid painful or dangerous situations.

Suppose there is a big black stove in the room where he lives. We know that the size of a stove, or of any object, will appear different to him than it does to an adult simply because the child is smaller than an adult and observes everything from a different angle. What may seem average or normal to an adult often appears huge to a child. In addition, things that we do not know or understand can take on greater importance. The fear of the 'unknown' is an experience common to many of us, adults or children, but in most cases the number of objects unknown to the child is greater.

The child will often have heard that the stove is 'hot' and that touching it will 'hurt', but as he has not yet experienced the feeling of 'hot' he has not yet learned that it can be painful to touch hot things. The child's tendency is to explore and discover things for himself.

This attitude may make him want to touch the stove in spite of any warning, especially if he thinks that by doing so he will draw attention to himself. He may touch the stove when it is cold, in which case he is in for an unpleasant surprise. If the stove is hot, the painful stimulus may be so strong that he will avoid touching it once and for all. He may also have learned to act with a flight response after being warned about other hot objects. He may conversely try to touch many times before the escape response becomes conditioned. If someone observing this process has mentioned the word "hot" each time, the child will soon have learned to avoid other hot objects when warned.

Let us now see how this could lead to situations that will affect the child in later life.

Suppose he accidentally falls against the stove and is badly burned. This event will affect him so strongly that no one will be able to get him near a stove afterwards. The stimulus of the big black stove may become so generalised that he will avoid everything big and black. Conditioning may also be produced by other stimuli present at the time of the accident: the colour of the walls, the sound of the pot boiling, the smell of the food, and even the people in the room. In later life, the child may become an adult who enters an anxious state at the sight of a big black car. This phenomenon may occur even when the scalding incident has long since been forgotten and the fear of stoves has passed. The flight and anxiety responses may have been generalised and reinforced so that the only one left, connected with the original incident, may be a dislike of a particular colour. The root cause of this reaction, however, may be a mystery to the individual and to anyone else who was present at the incident that brought it about.

The initial escape response may diminish over time as the child learns that he can approach a hot stove without touching it and without feeling pain. When the escape response has occurred at a high level, however, the stimulus-object effect may have generalised to other things of the same size, shape, colour and sound. The escape response at that point may have been continually strengthened over the years so that in adult life the individual will become nervous, anxious or depressed at the sight of any large, black object without having any fear of the stove that originally conditioned the response.

An adult may dislike, or react even more violently to certain colours, sounds, people or situations, without being able to understand or explain why. This is undoubtedly due to a previous conditioning caused by events that are impossible to remember.

Let us look at the possible reasons why an individual might be afraid of isolation, of being locked in a confined space such as a lift and yet not remember ever being frightened by such a situation. One possibility, which we do not intend to apply to any specific case, but only use for illustrative purposes, could be that of a father playing with his little son on the kitchen floor. Let us imagine that the family has just received something delivered in a large cardboard box and that the father has placed the box on the child's head, lifts it from time to time as a joke and then lets it fall back on him. A kind of hide-and-seek: a fun game and a pleasant pastime for both. Let us now suppose that the doorbell rings and the parent forgets, momentarily, the child in the box and runs to open it. He probably thinks that nothing will happen to the child for a few minutes, or does not even consider this. In the meantime, the child is waiting for the box to be lifted again and when he notices that this does not happen he soon tires of waiting. He will try to lift it by himself and will not find a foothold. In this struggle his feet may touch one side of the box and his hands the opposite side. He may have the sensation of being enclosed... trapped. No human being or animal can stand this feeling. The more he tries to free himself, the more helpless he will feel. He will be frightened, perhaps to the point of paroxysm. When the father finally returns, he will be able to realise some of what has happened, but he will never be able to guess the intense impression the child has felt. If the child does not stop crying immediately, it is possible that he will beat him to stop the hysterical phenomenon, and this, of course, will only reinforce the traumatic effect of the event in the child's mind.

In the following years, other events may occur which will affect these feelings while the initial episode is slowly forgotten. In the future he may find himself in a lift that stops suddenly between two floors, and also be without light. His reaction may range from a slight expression or feeling of nervousness to a range of increasingly violent responses to panic proportions. In all likelihood he will be unable to explain his emotions or behaviour, even to himself, and will wonder whether or not he is a coward. He may on the other hand overcome it easily, but continue to be irritated by the setback.

The point is that an adult can often behave in a way that results from previous conditioning, even when the awareness of the conditioning episode has been obliterated. This applies to both positive and negative responses of adaptation and maladaptation; to constructive or destructive patterns of behaviour, all conditioned in various ways by previous experiences or events; to conditioned responses to the incessant internal and external stimuli to which we are all exposed.

Many human sufferings, fears, anxieties, guilt and pain are conditioned in the same way. And this is how our pleasures are born. Tears are not the only fruit of this strange harvest. The seeds of happiness, friendship, pride and compassion are also sown and cultivated by conditioning processes.

Perhaps what interests us most is the fact that such responses are not only conditioned, but can be deconditioned, altered or strengthened, that negative responses can be replaced by positive ones, that the whole structure of the personality can be reconstructed.

Some desirable changes may seem easy to achieve, others difficult, some seemingly impossible. We will only know by trying.

CHAPTER II - Mindset

Unfortunately, the history of hypnotism is such that the mere mention of the word conjures up images of magicians, crystal globes and turbans. It is true that, in different forms, hypnotism has been practised for thousands of years, incorporating it into the ceremonies and rituals of all sorts of mystical cults, congregations and religions. Even today we can find the basic principles of hypnotism in the factors that underlie most of our religious concepts, but the same can be said of many other indisputable psychological truths that we are willing to accept as not at all mystical or supernatural realities.

From 1830 to 1900, a growing number of physicians applied hypnosis to ever wider fields of medical therapy. Thousands of cases were recorded in which hypnosis was successfully used for painless operations, from incision of furuncles to amputation of limbs and removal of huge tumours of the scrotum, which were commonly regarded as very painful.

Through the efforts of men such as Braid, Esdaile, Charcot, Bernheim and Bramwell, hypnotism ceased to belong to the realm of mystical phenomena and was gradually accepted into the field of scientifically oriented research.

With the advent of chemical anaesthetics such as ether, hypnotism came to a temporary halt. The new procedures could be used on anyone, worked more quickly and required little psychological knowledge. Interest and experimental research declined until, during the First World War, hypnotism was reinstated as an effective means of combating "war neuroses". Unfortunately, at the same time, interest in the phenomena was also rekindled as a fascinating form of pastime, so that, once again, medicine ignored or remained sceptical about its practical applications.

Finally, in 1959, at a Congress organised by the American Medical Association, hypnotism was granted the "official status" of "added tool" in medicine, which had been recognised by the British Medical Society for some years. Hypnotism is therefore now generally accepted in scientific circles, and intensive research is again being carried out. Never before has hypnosis been applied in so many different fields of human behaviour. Today there are literally thousands of medical, dental and psychological procedures in which hypnotism is an important factor. In view of these developments, any attitude to scepticism or mysticism is most unfounded and erroneous.

Research in the field of conditioned responses is much more recent. The concept of the use of hypnotic techniques both as an aid in conditioning desirable responses and in facilitating the desensitisation of undesirable ones is even more recent. Whether hypnosis is used for new conditioning procedures or whether conditioning helps to achieve hypnotic effects is merely a matter of semantics. The two concepts could be related or even identical. But, let us avoid, for the sake of clarity and expediency, creating too much confusion with these differences and analogies (as might be the case) since these principles will only be applied for practical purposes. It should come as no surprise that our responses are often negative. In many of us they far outnumber and outweigh the positive ones. If we were to take the trouble to question every person we meet on any given day, we might consider ourselves very fortunate if we met two or three who would not admit to suffering or problems. Real or imagined, mild or severe, negative answers will clearly predominate.

However, strange as it may seem, all responses classified as 'negative' are not necessarily undesirable. Many of them are extremely important for our well-being and essential to our survival. Anxiety, for example, might seem at first glance to be a response we would gladly do without. Many anxieties are about 'adaptation'. By this we mean that they serve a constructive purpose. The anxiety aroused by our perceptions of potentially dangerous situations leads us to take protective or preventive action. The anxiety associated with the idea of falling out of a plane undoubtedly led to the invention of the parachute. Anxiety caused by the sight of a hungry lion will make us run for safety. Anxiety caused by a painful or abnormal sensation will lead us to a doctor's waiting room. These are "adaptation" anxieties and serve a useful purpose.

If, on the other hand, we enter an anxious state at the mere sight of a kitten, a particular colour or anything else that obviously cannot hurt us, the anxiety no longer serves a constructive purpose; it can result in an unnecessary expenditure of physical or emotional energy and is therefore not adaptive. It can give rise to tension and fatigue, and if we can, we should try to eliminate this kind of anxiety.

There are also unfounded anxieties, or anxieties that, in many individuals, "shadow out" any stimulus. These are called diffuse or "free floating anxieties". This undifferentiated type of anxiety is often associated to varying degrees with the "specific" anxieties we have been talking about. An individual may be constantly in a state of anxiety that he will not be able to associate with any particular object or situation, even though he may have an aggravation of this state in specific circumstances.

We will consider the additional factors of anxiety later. There are other negative responses that possess both qualities of adaptability and unadaptability that are more relevant to this discussion.

Throughout our lives we are constantly confronted with issues that affect us in various ways. Some intrigue us and some do not. Many people spend their entire lives searching for an answer to the problems that interest them. Many find it while others die in frustration, sometimes from the exact same problems.

During childhood most of the problems we have to deal with concern how and why things turn out the way they do. Practical problems arouse more curiosity than moral ones. As we mature, we tend to examine our relationships with others, looking for answers to deeper problems that include politics, theology, philosophy, infinity, eternity and a host of other ideas and concepts. Our attitudes and prejudices begin to form. We develop our own theories, scepticisms and personality traits. The number and importance of these attitudes and characteristics not only change continuously in each individual, but are probably as different in pattern as fingerprints and other personal data.

Although we do not want to admit it, a large number of our characteristics, beliefs and attitudes are based on a misconception. We often think that when we ourselves see or experience something we can accept it without reservation. Yet even when our conclusions are based on our own experience, we are often, unless we are familiar with scientific methods, wrong.

It is very easy to show that we can be deceived into relying on our own perceptions. I would like to cite several examples that illustrate this thesis, because belief and non-belief are very important factors in the success or failure of developing self-hypnosis. An exact knowledge of the facts or errors that arise from our perceptions will be of great help in modifying the beliefs and uncertainties about the ideas and observations that follow.

Retinal fatigue

Looking at figure 1 at the beginning of this book, the reader will be shown how perceptions change without the observer being aware of it. With a white card or a piece of paper, cover about half of the coloured rectangle, then stare carefully at the line delimiting the two areas until your eyes become slightly tired. A few seconds are usually sufficient. Keeping your eyes fixed on the rectangle, remove the piece of paper to reveal the rest of the area. You will notice an intensification of colour in the area that has been covered so far. Many people say at this point that "the colour is much more intense".

Almost everyone will say the same thing. The truth is that the colour has not changed at all, the perception of the observer has simply changed. It was only a temporary change, as will be evident if you look at the coloured rectangle again. The whole area will now appear uniform, showing that it has changed again and returned to its original state.

The explanation is quite simple. The sensation we call sight is nothing more than a breakdown of chemical elements that takes place in the rods and cones, or receptive cells, of the retinal surface of the eye. This breakdown causes nerve impulses to be transmitted from the retina to the optical areas of the brain, where we perceive the sensation of sight. During the perception of colour, this process takes place and chemical substances are gradually 'used up'. Without us realising it, the affected retinal area sends increasingly weaker impulses to our brain. The perception of colour diminishes, but so gradually that we are unable to notice it, until, by moving the piece of white paper, we expose a different area of the retina whose chemical elements have not been consumed. We then see in one part of the eye the colour in its original intensity, while the first exposed area has undergone a change. (In reality, given the "all or nothing" principle of the neuron from which the impulses originate, the modification is due to the frequency rather than the intensity of the nerve impulses. For the sake of simplicity and clarity, we have sacrificed technical precision).