INTRODUCTION
The
present little book is, originally, a part of a larger whole. About
1875, Dr. E. Dühring,
privatdocent
at Berlin University, suddenly and rather clamorously announced his
conversion to Socialism, and presented the German public not only
with an elaborate Socialist theory, but also with a complete
practical plan for the reorganization of society. As a matter of
course, he fell foul of his predecessors; above all, he honored
Marx
by pouring out upon him the full vials of his wrath.This
took place about the time when the two sections of the Socialist
party in Germany—Eisenachers and Lassallians—had just effected
their fusion, and thus obtained not only an immense increase of
strength, but, what was more, the faculty of employing the whole of
this strength against the common enemy. The Socialist party in
Germany was fast becoming a power. But to make it a power, the
first
condition was that the newly-conquered unity should not be
imperiled.
And Dr. Dühring openly proceeded to form around himself a sect, the
nucleus of a future separate party. It thus became necessary to
take
up the gauntlet thrown down to us, and to fight out the struggle
whether we liked it or not.This,
however, though it might not be an over difficult, was evidently a
long-winded, business. As is well known, we Germans are of a
terribly
ponderous
Gründlichkeit,
radical profundity or profound radicality, whatever you may like to
call it. Whenever anyone of us expounds what he considers a new
doctrine, he has first to elaborate it into an all-comprising
system.
He has to prove that both the first principles of logic and the
fundamental laws of the universe had existed from all eternity for
no
other purpose than to ultimately lead to this newly-discovered,
crowning theory. And Dr. Dühring, in this respect, was quite up to
the national mark. Nothing less than a complete "System of
Philosophy," mental, moral, natural, and historical; a complete
"System of Political Economy and Socialism"; and, finally,
a "Critical History of Political Economy"—three big
volumes in octavo, heavy extrinsically and intrinsically, three
army-corps of arguments mobilized against all previous philosophers
and economists in general, and against Marx in particular—in fact,
an attempt at a complete "revolution in science"—these
were what I should have to tackle. I had to treat of all and every
possible subject, from the concepts of time and space to
Bimetallism;
from the eternity of matter and motion to the perishable nature of
moral ideas; from Darwin's natural selection to the education of
youth in a future society. Anyhow, the systematic comprehensiveness
of my opponent gave me the opportunity of developing, in opposition
to him, and in a more connected form than had previously been done,
the views held by Marx and myself on this great variety of
subjects.
And that was the principal reason which made me undertake this
otherwise ungrateful task.My
reply was first published in a series of articles in the Leipzig
"Vorwärts," the chief organ of the Socialist party, and
later on as a book: "Herrn Eugen Dühring's Umwälzung der
Wissenschaft" (Mr. E. Dühring's "Revolution in Science"),
a second edition of which appeared in Zürich, 1886.At
the request of my friend, Paul Lafargue, now representative of
Lille
in the French Chamber of Deputies, I arranged three chapters of
this
book as a pamphlet, which he translated and published in 1880,
under
the title: "Socialisme
utopique et Socialisme scientifique."
From this French text a Polish and a Spanish edition were prepared.
In 1883, our German friends brought out the pamphlet in the
original
language. Italian, Russian, Danish, Dutch, and Roumanian
translations, based upon the German text, have since been
published.
Thus, with the present English edition, this little book circulates
in ten languages. I am not aware that any other Socialist work, not
even our "Communist Manifesto" of 1848 or Marx's "Capital,"
has been so often translated. In Germany it has had four editions
of
about 20,000 copies in all.The
economic terms used in this work, as far as they are new, agree
with
those used in the English edition of Marx's "Capital." We
call "production of commodities" that economic phase where
articles are produced not only for the use of the producers, but
also
for purposes of exchange; that is, as
commodities,
not as use-values. This phase extends from the first beginnings of
production for exchange down to our present time; it attains its
full
development under capitalist production only, that is, under
conditions where the capitalist, the owner of the means of
production, employs, for wages, laborers, people deprived of all
means of production except their own labor-power, and pockets the
excess of the selling price of the products over his outlay. We
divide the history of industrial production since the Middle Ages
into three periods: (1) handicraft, small master craftsmen with a
few
journeymen and apprentices, where each laborer produces the
complete
article; (2) manufacture, where greater numbers of workmen, grouped
in one large establishment, produce the complete article on the
principle of division of labor, each workman performing only one
partial operation, so that the product is complete only after
having
passed successively through the hands of all; (3) modern industry,
where the product is produced by machinery driven by power, and
where
the work of the laborer is limited to superintending and correcting
the performances of the mechanical agent.I
am perfectly aware that the contents of this work will meet with
objection from a considerable portion of the British public. But if
we Continentals had taken the slightest notice of the prejudices of
British "respectability," we should be even worse off than
we are. This book defends what we call "historical materialism,"
and the word materialism grates upon the ears of the immense
majority
of British readers. "Agnosticism" might be tolerated, but
materialism is utterly inadmissible.And
yet the original home of all modern materialism, from the
seventeenth
century onwards, is England."Materialism
is the natural-born son of Great Britain. Already the British
schoolman, Duns Scotus, asked, 'whether it was impossible for
matter
to think?'"In
order to effect this miracle, he took refuge in God's
omnipotence,
i.e.,
he made theology preach materialism. Moreover, he was a nominalist.
Nominalism, the first form of materialism, is chiefly found among
the
English schoolmen."The
real progenitor of English materialism is Bacon. To him natural
philosophy is the only true philosophy, and physics based upon the
experience of the senses is the chiefest part of natural
philosophy.
Anaxagoras and his homoiomeriæ, Democritus and his atoms, he often
quotes as his authorities. According to him the senses are
infallible
and the source of all knowledge. All science is based on
experience,
and consists in subjecting the data furnished by the senses to a
rational method of investigation. Induction, analysis, comparison,
observation, experiment, are the principal forms of such a rational
method. Among the qualities inherent in matter, motion is the first
and foremost, not only in the form of mechanical and mathematical
motion, but chiefly in the form of an impulse, a vital spirit, a
tension—or a 'qual,' to use a term of Jacob Böhme's[A]—of
matter."In
Bacon, its first creator, materialism still occludes within itself
the germs of a many-sided development. On the one hand, matter,
surrounded by a sensuous, poetic glamour, seems to attract man's
whole entity by winning smiles. On the other, the aphoristically
formulated doctrine pullulates with inconsistencies imported from
theology."In
its further evolution, materialism becomes one-sided. Hobbes is the
man who systematizes Baconian materialism. Knowledge based upon the
senses loses its poetic blossom, it passes into the abstract
experience of the mathematician; geometry is proclaimed as the
queen
of sciences. Materialism takes to misanthropy. If it is to overcome
its opponent, misanthropic, fleshless spiritualism, and that on the
latter's own ground, materialism has to chastise its own flesh and
turn ascetic. Thus, from a sensual, it passes into an intellectual,
entity; but thus, too, it evolves all the consistency, regardless
of
consequences, characteristic of the intellect."Hobbes,
as Bacon's continuator, argues thus: if all human knowledge is
furnished by the senses, then our concepts and ideas are but the
phantoms, divested of their sensual forms, of the real world.
Philosophy can but give names to these phantoms. One name may be
applied to more than one of them. There may even be names of names.
It would imply a contradiction if, on the one hand, we maintained
that all ideas had their origin in the world of sensation, and, on
the other, that a word was more than a word; that besides the
beings
known to us by our senses, beings which are one and all
individuals,
there existed also beings of a general, not individual, nature. An
unbodily substance is the same absurdity as an unbodily body. Body,
being, substance, are but different terms for the same
reality.
It is impossible to separate thought from matter that thinks.
This matter is the substratum of all changes going on in the world.
The word infinite is meaningless, unless it states that our mind is
capable of performing an endless process of addition. Only material
things being perceptible to us, we cannot know anything about the
existence of God. My own existence alone is certain. Every human
passion is a mechanical movement which has a beginning and an end.
The objects of impulse are what we call good. Man is subject to the
same laws as nature. Power and freedom are identical."Hobbes
had systematized Bacon, without, however, furnishing a proof for
Bacon's fundamental principle, the origin of all human knowledge
from
the world of sensation. It was Locke who, in his Essay on the Human
Understanding, supplied this proof."Hobbes
had shattered the theistic prejudices of Baconian materialism;
Collins, Dodwall, Coward, Hartley, Priestley similarly shattered
the
last theological bars that still hemmed-in Locke's sensationalism.
At
all events, for practical materialists, Theism is but an easy-going
way of getting rid of religion."[B]Thus
Karl Marx wrote about the British origin of modern materialism. If
Englishmen nowadays do not exactly relish the compliment he paid
their ancestors, more's the pity. It is none the less undeniable
that
Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke are the fathers of that brilliant school
of
French materialists which made the eighteenth century, in spite of
all battles on land and sea won over Frenchmen by Germans and
Englishmen, a pre-eminently French century, even before that
crowning
French Revolution, the results of which we outsiders, in England as
well as in Germany, are still trying to acclimatize.There
is no denying it. About the middle of this century, what struck
every
cultivated foreigner who set up his residence in England, was, what
he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
of
the English respectable middle-class. We, at that time, were all
materialists, or, at least, very advanced freethinkers, and to us
it
appeared inconceivable that almost all educated people in England
should believe in all sorts of impossible miracles, and that even
geologists like Buckland and Mantell should contort the facts of
their science so as not to clash too much with the myths of the
book
of Genesis; while, in order to find people who dared to use their
own
intellectual faculties with regard to religious matters, you had to
go amongst the uneducated, the "great unwashed," as they
were then called, the working people, especially the Owenite
Socialists.But
England has been "civilized" since then. The exhibition of
1851 sounded the knell of English insular exclusiveness. England
became gradually internationalized, in diet, in manners, in ideas;
so
much so that I begin to wish that some English manners and customs
had made as much headway on the Continent as other continental
habits
have made here. Anyhow, the introduction and spread of salad-oil
(before 1851 known only to the aristocracy) has been accompanied by
a
fatal spread of continental scepticism in matters religious, and it
has come to this, that agnosticism, though not yet considered "the
thing" quite as much as the Church of England, is yet very
nearly on a par, as far as respectability goes, with Baptism, and
decidedly ranks above the Salvation Army. And I cannot help
believing
that under these circumstances it will be consoling to many who
sincerely regret and condemn this progress of infidelity, to learn
that these "new-fangled notions" are not of foreign origin,
are not "made in Germany," like so many other articles of
daily use, but are undoubtedly Old English, and that their British
originators two hundred years ago went a good deal further than
their
descendants now dare to venture.What,
indeed, is agnosticism, but, to use an expressive Lancashire term,
"shamefaced" materialism? The agnostic's conception of
Nature is materialistic throughout. The entire natural world is
governed by law, and absolutely excludes the intervention of action
from without. But, he adds, we have no means either of ascertaining
or of disproving the existence of some Supreme Being beyond the
known
universe. Now, this might hold good at the time when Laplace, to
Napoleon's question, why in the great astronomer's
Mécanique céleste
the Creator was not even mentioned, proudly replied:
Je n'avais pas besoin de cette hypothèse.
But nowadays, in our evolutionary conception of the universe, there
is absolutely no room for either a Creator or a Ruler; and to talk
of
a Supreme Being shut out from the whole existing world, implies a
contradiction in terms, and, as it seems to me, a gratuitous insult
to the feelings of religious people.