A MEMORANDUM AT A VENTURE
“All is proper to be express’d,
provided our aim is only high enough.”—J. F. Millet.
“The candor of science is the
glory of the modern. It does not hide and repress; it confronts,
turns on the light. It alone has perfect faith—faith not in a part
only, but all. Does it not undermine the old religious standards?
Yes, in God’s truth, by excluding the devil from the theory of the
universe—by showing that evil is not a law in itself, but a
sickness, a perversion of the good, and the other side of the
good—that in fact all of humanity, and of everything, is divine in
its bases, its eligibilities.”
Shall the mention of such topics
as I have briefly but plainly and resolutely broach’d in the
“Children of Adam” section of “Leaves of Grass” be admitted in
poetry and literature? Ought not the innovation to be put down by
opinion and criticism? and, if those fail, by the District
Attorney? True, I could not construct a poem which declaredly took,
as never before, the complete human identity, physical, moral,
emotional, and intellectual, (giving precedence and compass in a
certain sense to the first,) nor fulfil that bona fide candor and
entirety of treatment which was a part of my purpose, without
comprehending this section also. But I would entrench myself more
deeply and widely than that. And while I do not ask any man to
indorse my theory, I confess myself anxious that what I sought to
write and express, and the ground I built on, shall be at least
partially understood, from its own platform. The best way seems to
me to confront the question with entire frankness.
There are, generally speaking,
two points of view, two conditions of the world’s attitude toward
these matters; the first, the conventional one of good folks and
good print everywhere, repressing any direct statement of them, and
making allusions only at second or third hand—(as the Greeks did of
death, which, in Hellenic social culture, was not mention’d
point-blank, but by euphemisms.) In the civilization of to-day,
this condition— without stopping to elaborate the arguments and
facts, which are many and varied and perplexing—has led to states
of ignorance, repressal, and cover’d over disease and depletion,
forming certainly a main factor in the world’s woe. A
nonscientific, non- esthetic, and eminently non-religious
condition, bequeath’d to us from the past, (its origins diverse,
one of them the far-back lessons of benevolent and wise men to
restrain the prevalent coarseness and animality of the tribal
ages—with Puritanism, or perhaps Protestantism itself for another,
and still another specified in the latter part of this
memorandum)—to it is probably due most of the ill births,
inefficient maturity, snickering pruriency, and of that human
pathologic evil and morbidity which is, in my opinion, the keel and
reason-why of every evil and morbidity. Its scent, as of something
sneaking, furtive, mephitic, seems to lingeringly pervade all
modern literature, conversation, and manners.
The second point of view, and by
far the largest—as the world in working-day dress vastly exceeds
the world in parlor toilette—is the one of common life, from the
oldest times down, and especially in England, (see the earlier
chapters of “Taine’s English Literature,” and see Shakspere almost
anywhere,) and which our age to-day inherits from riant stock, in
the wit, or what passes for wit, of masculine circles, and in
erotic stories and talk, to excite, express, and dwell on, that
merely sensual voluptuousness which, according
to Victor Hugo, is the most
universal trait of all ages, all lands. This second condition,
however bad, is at any rate like a disease which comes to the
surface, and therefore less dangerous than a conceal’d one.
The time seems to me to have
arrived, and America to be the place, for a new departure
—a third point of view. The same
freedom and faith and earnestness which, after centuries of denial,
struggle, repression, and martyrdom, the present day brings to the
treatment of politics and religion, must work out a plan and
standard on this subject, not so much for what is call’d society,
as for thoughtfulest men and women, and thoughtfulest literature.
The same spirit that marks the physiological author and
demonstrator on these topics in his important field, I have thought
necessary to be exemplified, for once, in another certainly not
less important field.
In the present memorandum I only
venture to indicate that plan and view—decided upon more than
twenty years ago, for my own literary action, and formulated
tangibly in my printed poems—(as Bacon says an abstract thought or
theory is of no moment unless it leads to a deed or work done,
exemplifying it in the concrete)—that the sexual passion in itself,
while normal and unperverted, is inherently legitimate, creditable,
not necessarily an improper theme for poet, as confessedly not for
scientist—that, with reference to the whole construction, organism,
and intentions of “Leaves of Grass,” anything short of confronting
that theme, and making myself clear upon it as the enclosing basis
of everything, (as the sanity of everything was to be the
atmosphere of the poems,) I should beg the question in its most
momentous aspect, and the superstructure that follow’d, pretensive
as it might assume to be, would all rest on a poor foundation, or
no foundation at all. In short, as the assumption of the sanity of
birth, Nature and humanity, is the key to any true theory of life
and the universe—at any rate, the only theory out of which I
wrote
—it is, and must inevitably be,
the only key to “Leaves of Grass,” and every part of it. That, (and
not a vain consistency or weak pride, as a late “Springfield
Republican” charges,) is the reason that I have stood out for these
particular verses uncompromisingly for over twenty years, and
maintain them to this day. That is what I felt in my inmost brain
and heart, when I only answer’d Emerson’s vehement arguments with
silence, under the old elms of Boston Common.
Indeed, might not every
physiologist and every good physician pray for the redeeming of
this subject from its hitherto relegation to the tongues and pens
of blackguards, and boldly putting it for once at least, if no
more, in the demesne of poetry and sanity—as something not in
itself gross or impure, but entirely consistent with highest
manhood and womanhood, and indispensable to both? Might not only
every wife and every mother—not only every babe that comes into the
world, if that were possible—not only all marriage, the foundation
and sine qua non of the civilized state—bless and thank the
showing, or taking for granted, that motherhood, fatherhood,
sexuality, and all that belongs to them, can be asserted, where it
comes to question, openly, joyously, proudly, “without shame or the
need of shame,” from the highest artistic and human
considerations—but, with reverence be it written, on such attempt
to justify the base and start of the whole divine scheme in
humanity, might not the Creative Power itself deign a smile of
approval?
To the movement for the
eligibility and entrance of women amid new spheres of business,
politics, and the suffrage, the current prurient, conventional
treatment of sex is
the main formidable obstacle. The
rising tide of “woman’s rights,” swelling and every year advancing
farther and farther, recoils from it with dismay. There will in my
opinion be no general progress in such eligibility till a sensible,
philosophic, democratic method is substituted.
The whole question—which strikes
far, very far deeper than most people have supposed, (and
doubtless, too, something is to be said on all sides,) is
peculiarly an important one in art—is first an ethic, and then
still more an esthetic one. I condense from a paper read not long
since at Cheltenham, England, before the “Social Science Congress,”
to the Art Department, by P. H. Rathbone of Liverpool, on the
“Undraped Figure in Art,” and the discussion that follow’d:
“When coward Europe suffer’d the
unclean Turk to soil the sacred shores of Greece by his polluting
presence, civilization and morality receiv’d a blow from which they
have never entirely recover’d, and the trail of the serpent has
been over European art and European society ever since. The Turk
regarded and regards women as animals without soul, toys to be
play’d with or broken at pleasure, and to be hidden, partly from
shame, but chiefly for the purpose of stimulating exhausted
passion. Such is the unholy origin of the objection to the nude as
a fit subject for art; it is purely Asiatic, and though not
introduced for the first time in the fifteenth century, is yet to
be traced to the source of all impurity— the East. Although the
source of the prejudice is thoroughly unhealthy and impure, yet it
is now shared by many pure-minded and honest, if somewhat
uneducated, people. But I am prepared to maintain that it is
necessary for the future of English art and of English morality
that the right of the nude to a place in our galleries should be
boldly asserted; it must, however, be the nude as represented by
thoroughly trained artists, and with a pure and noble ethic
purpose. The human form, male and female, is the type and standard
of all beauty of form and proportion, and it is necessary to be
thoroughly familiar with it in order safely to judge of all beauty
which consists of form and proportion. To women it is most
necessary that they should become thoroughly imbued with the
knowledge of the ideal female form, in order that they should
recognize the perfection of it at once, and without effort, and so
far as possible avoid deviations from the ideal. Had this been the
case in times past, we should not have had to deplore the
distortions effected by tight- lacing, which destroy’d the figure
and ruin’d the health of so many of the last generation. Nor should
we have had the scandalous dresses alike of society and the stage.
The extreme development of the low dresses which obtain’d some
years ago, when the stays crush’d up the breasts into suggestive
prominence, would surely have been check’d, had the eye of the
public been properly educated by familiarity with the exquisite
beauty of line of a well-shaped bust. I might show how thorough
acquaintance with the ideal nude foot would probably have much
modified the foot-torturing boots and high heels, which wring the
foot out of all beauty of line, and throw the body forward into an
awkward and ungainly attitude.
It is argued that the effect of
nude representation of women upon young men is unwholesome, but it
would not be so if such works were admitted without question into
our galleries, and became thoroughly familiar to them. On the
contrary, it would do much to clear away from healthy-hearted lads
one of their sorest trials—that prurient curiosity which is bred of
prudish concealment. Where there is mystery there is the suggestion
of evil, and to go to a theatre, where you have only to look at the
stalls to see one-half of the
female form, and to the stage to
see the other half undraped, is far more pregnant with evil
imaginings than the most objectionable of totally undraped figures.
In French art there have been questionable nude figures exhibited;
but the fault was not that they were nude, but that they were the
portraits of ugly immodest women. Some discussion follow’d. There
was a general concurrence in the principle contended for by the
reader of the paper. Sir Walter Stirling maintain’d that the
perfect male figure, rather than the female, was the model of
beauty. After a few remarks from Rev. Mr. Roberts and Colonel
Oldfield, the Chairman regretted that no opponent of nude figures
had taken part in the discussion. He agreed with Sir Walter
Stirling as to the male figure being the most perfect model of
proportion. He join’d in defending the exhibition of nude figures,
but thought considerable supervision should be exercis’d over such
exhibitions.
No, it is not the picture or nude
statue or text, with clear aim, that is indecent; it is the
beholder’s own thought, inference, distorted construction. True
modesty is one of the most precious of attributes, even virtues,
but in nothing is there more pretense, more falsity, than the
needless assumption of it. Through precept and consciousness, man
has long enough realized how bad he is. I would not so much disturb
or demolish that conviction, only to resume and keep unerringly
with it the spinal meaning of the Scriptural text, God overlook’d
all that He had made, (including the apex of the
whole—humanity—with its elements, passions, appetites,) and behold,
it was very good.”
Does not anything short of that
third point of view, when you come to think of it profoundly and
with amplitude, impugn Creation from the outset? In fact, however
overlaid, or unaware of itself, does not the conviction involv’d in
it perennially exist at the centre of all society, and of the
sexes, and of marriage? Is it not really an intuition of the human
race? For, old as the world is, and beyond statement as are the
countless and splendid results of its culture and evolution,
perhaps the best and earliest and purest intuitions of the human
race have yet to be develop’d.
DEATH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
LECTURE
deliver’d in New York, April 14,
1879—in Philadelphia, ‘80—in Boston, ‘81
How often since that dark and
dripping Saturday—that chilly April day, now fifteen years
bygone—my heart has entertain’d the dream, the wish, to give of
Abraham Lincoln’s death, its own special thought and memorial. Yet
now the sought-for opportunity offers, I find my notes incompetent,
(why, for truly profound themes, is statement so idle? why does the
right phrase never offer?) and the fit tribute I dream’d of, waits
unprepared as ever. My talk here indeed is less because of itself
or anything in it, and nearly altogether because I feel a desire,
apart from any talk, to specify the day, the martyrdom. It is for
this, my friends, I have call’d you together. Oft as the rolling
years bring back this hour, let it again, however briefly, be dwelt
upon. For my own part, I hope and desire, till my own dying day,
whenever the 14th or 15th of April comes, to annually gather a few
friends, and hold its tragic reminiscence. No narrow or sectional
reminiscence. It belongs to these States in their entirety—not the
North only, but the South—perhaps belongs most tenderly and
devoutly to the South, of all; for there, really, this man’s
birth-stock. There and thence his antecedent stamp. Why should I
not say that thence his manliest traits—his universality—his canny,
easy ways and words upon the surface—his inflexible determination
and courage at heart? Have you never realized it, my friends, that
Lincoln, though grafted on the West, is essentially, in personnel
and character, a Southern contribution?
And though by no means proposing
to resume the secession war to-night, I would briefly remind you of
the public conditions preceding that contest. For twenty years, and
especially during the four or five before the war actually began,
the aspect of affairs in the United States, though without the
flash of military excitement, presents more than the survey of a
battle, or any extended campaign, or series, even of Nature’s
convulsions. The hot passions of the South—the strange mixture at
the North of inertia, incredulity, and conscious power—the
incendiarism of the abolitionists—the rascality and grip of the
politicians, unparallel’d in any land, any age. To these I must not
omit adding the honesty of the essential bulk of the people
everywhere—yet with all the seething fury and contradiction of
their natures more arous’d than the Atlantic’s waves in wildest
equinox. In politics, what can be more ominous, (though generally
unappreciated then)—what more significant than the Presidentiads of
Fillmore and Buchanan? proving conclusively that the weakness and
wickedness of elected rulers are just as likely to afflict us here,
as in the countries of the Old World, under their monarchies,
emperors, and aristocracies. In that Old World were everywhere
heard underground rumblings, that died out, only to again surely
return. While in America the volcano, though civic yet, continued
to grow more and more convulsive—more and more stormy and
threatening.
In the height of all this
excitement and chaos, hovering on the edge at first, and then
merged in its very midst, and destined to play a leading part,
appears a strange and awkward figure. I shall not easily forget the
first time I ever saw Abraham Lincoln. It must have been about the
18th or 19th of February, 1861. It was rather a pleasant afternoon,
in New York city, as he arrived there from the West, to remain a
few hours, and then pass on
to Washington, to prepare for his
inauguration. I saw him in Broadway, near the site of the present
Post-office. He came down, I think from Canal street, to stop at
the Astor House. The broad spaces, sidewalks, and street in the
neighborhood, and for some distance, were crowded with solid masses
of people, many thousands. The omnibuses and other vehicles had all
been turn’d off, leaving an unusual hush in that busy part of the
city. Presently two or three shabby hack barouches made their way
with some difficulty through the crowd, and drew up at the Astor
House entrance. A tall figure stepp’d out of the centre of these
barouches, paus’d leisurely on the sidewalk, look’d up at the
granite walls and looming architecture of the grand old hotel—then,
after a relieving stretch of arms and legs, turn’d round for over a
minute to slowly and good-humoredly scan the appearance of the vast
and silent crowds. There were no speeches—no compliments—no
welcome—as far as I could hear, not a word said. Still much anxiety
was conceal’d in that quiet. Cautious persons had fear’d some
mark’d insult or indignity to the President-elect—for he possess’d
no personal popularity at all in New York city, and very little
political. But it was evidently tacitly agreed that if the few
political supporters of Mr. Lincoln present would entirely abstain
from any demonstration on their side, the immense majority, who
were anything but supporters, would abstain on their side also. The
result was a sulky, unbroken silence, such as certainly never
before characterized so great a New York crowd.
Almost in the same neighborhood I
distinctly remember’d seeing Lafayette on his visit to America in
1825. I had also personally seen and heard, various years
afterward, how Andrew Jackson, Clay, Webster, Hungarian Kossuth,
Filibuster Walker, the Prince of Wales on his visit, and other
celebres, native and foreign, had been welcom’d there—all that
indescribable human roar and magnetism, unlike any other sound in
the universe—the glad exulting thunder-shouts of countless unloos’d
throats of men! But on this occasion, not a voice—not a sound. From
the top of an omnibus, (driven up one side, close by, and block’d
by the curbstone and the crowds,) I had, I say, a capital view of
it all, and especially of Mr. Lincoln, his look and gait—his
perfect composure and coolness—his unusual and uncouth height, his
dress of complete black, stovepipe hat push’d back on the head,
dark-brown complexion, seam’d and wrinkled yet canny-looking face,
black, bushy head of hair, disproportionately long neck, and his
hands held behind as he stood observing the people. He look’d with
curiosity upon that immense sea of faces, and the sea of faces
return’d the look with similar curiosity. In both there was a dash
of comedy, almost farce, such as Shakspere puts in his blackest
tragedies. The crowd that hemm’d around consisted I should think of
thirty to forty thousand men, not a single one his personal
friend—while I have no doubt, (so frenzied were the ferments of the
time,) many an assassin’s knife and pistol lurk’d in hip or
breast-pocket there, ready, soon as break and riot came.
But no break or riot came. The
tall figure gave another relieving stretch or two of arms and legs;
then with moderate pace, and accompanied by a few unknown-looking
persons, ascended the portico-steps of the Astor House, disappear’d
through its broad entrance— and the dumb-show ended.
I saw Abraham Lincoln often the
four years following that date. He changed rapidly and much during
his Presidency—but this scene, and him in it, are indelibly stamp’d
upon my recollection. As I sat on the top of my omnibus, and had a
good view of him, the thought, dim and inchoate then, has since
come out clear enough, that four sorts of genius, four
mighty and primal hands, will be
needed to the complete limning of this man’s future portrait—the
eyes and brains and finger-touch of Plutarch and Eschylus and
Michel Angelo, assisted by Rabelais.
And now—(Mr. Lincoln passing on
from this scene to Washington, where he was inaugurated, amid armed
cavalry, and sharpshooters at every point—the first instance of the
kind in our history—and I hope it will be the last)—now the rapid
succession of well- known events, (too well known—I believe, these
days, we almost hate to hear them mention’d)—the national flag
fired on at Sumter—the uprising of the North, in paroxysms of
astonishment and rage—the chaos of divided councils—the call for
troops—the first Bull Run—the stunning cast-down, shock, and dismay
of the North—and so in full flood the secession war. Four years of
lurid, bleeding, murky, murderous war. Who paint those years, with
all their scenes?—the hard-fought engagements—the defeats, plans,
failures— the gloomy hours, days, when our Nationality seem’d hung
in pall of doubt, perhaps death
—the Mephistophelean sneers of
foreign lands and attachés—the dreaded Scylla of European
interference, and the Charybdis of the tremendously dangerous
latent strata of secession sympathizers throughout the free States,
(far more numerous than is supposed)
—the long marches in summer—the
hot sweat, and many a sunstroke, as on the rush to Gettysburg in
‘63—the night battles in the woods, as under Hooker at
Chancellorsville— the camps in winter—the military prisons—the
hospitals—(alas! alas! the hospitals.)
The secession war? Nay, let me
call it the Union war. Though whatever call’d, it is even yet too
near us—too vast and too closely overshadowing—its branches
unform’d yet, (but certain,) shooting too far into the future—and
the most indicative and mightiest of them yet ungrown. A great
literature will yet arise out of the era of those four years, those
scenes—era compressing centuries of native passion, first-class
pictures, tempests of life and death—an inexhaustible mine for the
histories, drama, romance, and even philosophy, of peoples to
come—indeed the verteber of poetry and art, (of personal character
too,) for all future America—far more grand, in my opinion, to the
hands capable of it, than Homer’s siege of Troy, or the French wars
to Shakspere.
But I must leave these
speculations, and come to the theme I have assign’d and limited
myself to. Of the actual murder of President Lincoln, though so
much has been written, probably the facts are yet very indefinite
in most persons’ minds. I read from my memoranda, written at the
time, and revised frequently and finally since.
The day, April 14, 1865, seems to
have been a pleasant one throughout the whole land
—the moral atmosphere pleasant
too—the long storm, so dark, so fratricidal, full of blood and
doubt and gloom, over and ended at last by the sun-rise of such an
absolute National victory, and utter break-down of Secessionism—we
almost doubted our own senses! Lee had capitulated beneath the
apple-tree of Appomattox. The other armies, the flanges of the
revolt, swiftly follow’d. And could it really be, then? Out of all
the affairs of this world of woe and failure and disorder, was
there really come the confirm’d, unerring sign of plan, like a
shaft of pure light—of rightful rule—of God? So the day, as I say,
was propitious. Early herbage, early flowers, were out. (I remember
where I was stopping at the time, the season being advanced, there
were many lilacs in full bloom. By one of those caprices that enter
and give tinge to events without being at all a part of them, I
find myself always reminded of the great tragedy of that day by the
sight and odor of these blossoms. It never
fails.)
But I must not dwell on
accessories. The deed hastens. The popular afternoon paper of
Washington, the little “Evening Star,” had spatter’d all over its
third page, divided among the advertisements in a sensational
manner, in a hundred different places, The President and his Lady
will be at the Theatre this evening…. (Lincoln was fond of the
theatre. I have myself seen him there several times. I remember
thinking how funny it was that he, in some respects the leading
actor in the stormiest drama known to real history’s stage through
centuries, should sit there and be so completely interested and
absorb’d in those human jack-straws, moving about with their silly
little gestures, foreign spirit, and flatulent text.)
On this occasion the theatre was
crowded, many ladies in rich and gay costumes, officers in their
uniforms, many well-known citizens, young folks, the usual clusters
of gas-lights, the usual magnetism of so many people, cheerful,
with perfumes, music of violins and flutes—(and over all, and
saturating all, that vast, vague wonder, Victory, the nation’s
victory, the triumph of the Union, filling the air, the thought,
the sense, with exhilaration more than all music and
perfumes.)
The President came betimes, and,
with his wife, witness’d the play from the large stage- boxes of
the second tier, two thrown into one, and profusely drap’d with the
national flag. The acts and scenes of the piece—one of those
singularly written compositions which have at least the merit of
giving entire relief to an audience engaged in mental action or
business excitements and cares during the day, as it makes not the
slightest call on either the moral, emotional, esthetic, or
spiritual nature—a piece, (“Our American Cousin,”) in which, among
other characters, so call’d, a Yankee, certainly such a one as was
never seen, or the least like it ever seen, in North America, is
introduced in England, with a varied fol-de-rol of talk, plot,
scenery, and such phantasmagoria as goes to make up a modern
popular drama—had progress’d through perhaps a couple of its acts,
when in the midst of this comedy, or non-such, or whatever it is to
be call’d, and to offset it, or finish it out, as if in Nature’s
and the great Muse’s mockery of those poor mimes, came interpolated
that scene, not really or exactly to be described at all, (for on
the many hundreds who were there it seems to this hour to have left
a passing blur, a dream, a blotch)—and yet partially to be
described as I now proceed to give it. There is a scene in the play
representing a modern parlor in which two unprecedented English
ladies are inform’d by the impossible Yankee that he is not a man
of fortune, and therefore undesirable for marriage-catching
purposes; after which, the comments being finish’d, the dramatic
trio make exit, leaving the stage clear for a moment. At this
period came the murder of Abraham Lincoln.
Great as all its manifold train,
circling round it, and stretching into the future for many a
century, in the politics, history, art, &c., of the New World,
in point of fact the main thing, the actual murder, transpired with
the quiet and simplicity of any commonest occurrence
—the bursting of a bud or pod in
the growth of vegetation, for instance. Through the general hum
following the stage pause, with the change of positions, came the
muffled sound of a pistol-shot, which not one-hundredth part of the
audience heard at the time— and yet a moment’s hush—somehow,
surely, a vague startled thrill—and then, through the ornamented,
draperied, starr’d and striped space-way of the President’s box, a
sudden
figure, a man, raises himself
with hands and feet, stands a moment on the railing, leaps below to
the stage, (a distance of perhaps fourteen or fifteen feet,) falls
out of position, catching his boot-heel in the copious drapery,
(the American flag,) falls on one knee, quickly recovers himself,
rises as if nothing had happen’d, (he really sprains his ankle, but
unfelt then)—and so the figure, Booth, the murderer, dress’d in
plain black broadcloth, bare-headed, with full, glossy, raven hair,
and his eyes like some mad animal’s flashing with light and
resolution, yet with a certain strange calmness, holds aloft in one
hand a large knife—walks along not much back from the
footlights—turns fully toward the audience his face of statuesque
beauty, lit by those basilisk eyes, flashing with desperation,
perhaps insanity—launches out in a firm and steady voice the words
Sic semper tyrannis—and then walks with neither slow nor very rapid
pace diagonally across to the back of the stage, and disappears.
(Had not all this terrible scene—making the mimic ones
preposterous—had it not all been rehears’d, in blank, by Booth,
beforehand?)
A moment’s hush—a scream—the cry
of murder—Mrs. Lincoln leaning out of the box, with ashy cheeks and
lips, with involuntary cry, pointing to the retreating figure, He
has kill’d the President. And still a moment’s strange, incredulous
suspense—and then the deluge!—then that mixture of horror, noises,
uncertainty—(the sound, somewhere back, of a horse’s hoofs
clattering with speed)—the people burst through chairs and
railings, and break them up—there is inextricable confusion and
terror—women faint—quite feeble persons fall, and are trampl’d
on—many cries of agony are heard—the broad stage suddenly fills to
suffocation with a dense and motley crowd, like some horrible
carnival— the audience rush generally upon it, at least the strong
men do—the actors and actresses are all there in their
play-costumes and painted faces, with mortal fright showing through
the rouge—the screams and calls, confused talk—redoubled,
trebled—two or three manage to pass up water from the stage to the
President’s box—others try to clamber up— &c., &c.
In the midst of all this, the
soldiers of the President’s guard, with others, suddenly drawn to
the scene, burst in—(some two hundred altogether)—they storm the
house, through all the tiers, especially the upper ones, inflam’d
with fury, literally charging the audience with fix’d bayonets,
muskets and pistols, snouting Clear out! clear out! you sons of——….
Such the wild scene, or a suggestion of it rather, inside the
play-house that night.
Outside, too, in the atmosphere
of shock and craze, crowds of people, fill’d with frenzy, ready to
seize any outlet for it, come near committing murder several times
on innocent individuals. One such case was especially exciting. The
infuriated crowd, through some chance, got started against one man,
either for words he utter’d, or perhaps without any cause at all,
and were proceeding at once to actually hang him on a neighboring
lamp-post, when he was rescued by a few heroic policemen, who
placed him in their midst, and fought their way slowly and amid
great peril toward the station house. It was a fitting episode of
the whole affair. The crowd rushing and eddying to and fro—the
night, the yells, the pale faces, many frighten’d people trying in
vain to extricate themselves—the attack’d man, not yet freed from
the jaws of death, looking like a corpse—the silent, resolute,
half-dozen policemen, with no weapons but their little clubs, yet
stern and steady through all those eddying swarms—made a fitting
side-scene to the grand tragedy of the murder. They gain’d the
station house with the protected man, whom they placed in
security for the night, and
discharged him in the morning.
And in the midst of that
pandemonium, infuriated soldiers, the audience and the crowd, the
stage, and all its actors and actresses, its paint-pots, spangles,
and gas-lights—the life blood from those veins, the best and
sweetest of the land, drips slowly down, and death’s ooze already
begins its little bubbles on the lips.
Thus the visible incidents and
surroundings of Abraham Lincoln’s murder, as they really occur’d.
Thus ended the attempted secession of these States; thus the four
years’ war. But the main things come subtly and invisibly
afterward, perhaps long afterward— neither military, political, nor
(great as those are,) historical. I say, certain secondary and
indirect results, out of the tragedy of this death, are, in my
opinion, greatest. Not the event of the murder itself. Not that Mr.
Lincoln strings the principal points and personages of the period,
like beads, upon the single string of his career. Not that his
idiosyncrasy, in its sudden appearance and disappearance, stamps
this Republic with a stamp more mark’d and enduring than any yet
given by any one man—(more even than Washington’s;)—but, join’d
with these, the immeasurable value and meaning of that whole
tragedy lies, to me, in senses finally dearest to a nation, (and
here all our own)—the imaginative and artistic senses—the literary
and dramatic ones. Not in any common or low meaning of those terms,
but a meaning precious to the race, and to every age. A long and
varied series of contradictory events arrives at last at its
highest poetic, single, central, pictorial denouement. The whole
involved, baffling, multiform whirl of the secession period comes
to a head, and is gather’d in one brief flash of
lightning-illumination—one simple, fierce deed. Its sharp
culmination, and as it were solution, of so many bloody and angry
problems, illustrates those climax-moments on the stage of
universal Time, where the historic Muse at one entrance, and the
tragic Muse at the other, suddenly ringing down the curtain, close
an immense act in the long drama of creative thought, and give it
radiation, tableau, stranger than fiction. Fit radiation—fit close!
How the imagination—how the student loves these things! America,
too, is to have them. For not in all great deaths, nor far or
near—not Caesar in the Roman senate-house, or Napoleon passing away
in the wild night-storm at St. Helena—not Paleologus, falling,
desperately fighting, piled over dozens deep with Grecian
corpses—not calm old Socrates, drinking the hemlock—outvies that
terminus of the secession war, in one man’s life, here in our
midst, in our own time—that seal of the emancipation of three
million slaves—that parturition and delivery of our at last really
free Republic, born again, henceforth to commence its career of
genuine homogeneous Union, compact, consistent with itself.
Nor will ever future American
Patriots and Unionists, indifferently over the whole land, or North
or South, find a better moral to their lesson. The final use of the
greatest men of a Nation is, after all, not with reference to their
deeds in themselves, or their direct bearing on their times or
lands. The final use of a heroic-eminent life—especially of a
heroic- eminent death—is its indirect filtering into the nation and
the race, and to give, often at many removes, but unerringly, age
after age, color and fibre to the personalism of the youth and
maturity of that age, and of mankind. Then there is a cement to the
whole people, subtler, more underlying, than any thing in written
constitution, or courts or armies
—namely, the cement of a death
identified thoroughly with that people, at its head, and for its
sake. Strange, (is it not?) that battles, martyrs, agonies, blood,
even assassination, should so condense—perhaps only really,
lastingly condense—a Nationality.
I repeat it—the grand deaths of
the race—the dramatic deaths of every nationality—are its most
important inheritance-value—in some respects beyond its literature
and art—(as the hero is beyond his finest portrait, and the battle
itself beyond its choicest song or epic.) Is not here indeed the
point underlying all tragedy? the famous pieces of the Grecian
masters—and all masters? Why, if the old Greeks had had this man,
what trilogies of plays
—what epics—would have been made
out of him! How the rhapsodes would have recited him! How quickly
that quaint tall form would have enter’d into the region where men
vitalize gods, and gods divinify men! But Lincoln, his times, his
death—great as any, any age—belong altogether to our own, and our
autochthonic. (Sometimes indeed I think our American days, our own
stage—the actors we know and have shaken hands, or talk’d
with