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- Herausgeber: EDUCatt
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
- Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2019
The content of the submitted monograph can be framed by the following idea “Getting old means to grow and to ripen. The old man is the one who lives in the community longer and knows many stories...”(Holmerova and col., 2007, p. 59) and the thought of the Talmud book, “Respect the old one even if he forgot everything due to old people’s weakness”.
We present the results of research carried out in Europe (the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Poland) and in India (Kerala) to the scientific and professional community.
As a result of the development of the society, the demographic changes as the aging of the population in European countries and changes in the structure and size of families and due to other social and economic contexts, it is necessary to change the content and scope of the state’s social policy assuming that it is a state of social good, a welfare state.
One of the welfare state measures in the European frame is to create conditions for the care of the elderly according to their needs, both in the home care (field social work) and in the institutionalized care. We realize that the needs of old people are the same as for other citizens, but they also have their own specifics and sometimes the specific conditions of their fulfilment.
The monograph presents views of young people on the elderly, to the help to the older people, the solitude of the elderly, the violence against the elderly, some areas of social services for the elderly, the self-help groups in social work with the elderly, but also some demographic development of the population and others.
The aim of the publication is to share research findings, offer them for the implementation into practice, trigger a discussion, and also provide a stimulus for further research in this area.
An important goal is also to know the starting point in planning social measures, guiding social change and educating young, but not just young generations.
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Anna ZilovaAndrzej GretkowskiAlena Novotna
Elder and Social Changesin Society
Reflection of research
Milano 2018
Editors
Anna Zilova, Andrzej Gretkowski, Alena Novotna
Anil John, Bellova Lucia, Domza Urszula, Domza Zbigniew, Gergel Milan, Gretkowski Andrzej, Kalesh Sruthy P., Kwiatkowska Sylwia, Lehoczka Lydia, Lipinski Stanisaw, Lizy P.J., Sisikova Katarna, Novotna Alena, Venus Joseph Mary, Zilova Anna, Zilova Veronika
Review
Beata Baloghova
Frantisek Dlugos
Julian Aulaytner
ISBN
Copyright
Editors
Anna Zilova, Andrzej Gretkowski, Alena Novotna
Details of the Authors:
Anil John, Bellova Lucia, Domza Urszula, Domza Zbigniew, Gergel Milan, Gretkowski Andrzej, Kalesh Sruthy P., Kwiatkowska Sylwia, Lehoczka Lydia, Lipinski Stanisaw, Lizy P.J., Sisikova Katarna, Novotna Alena, Venus Joseph Mary, Zilova Anna, Zilova Veronika
Review
Beata Baloghova
Frantisek Dlugos
Julian Aulaytner
© 2018 EDUCatt - Ente per il Diritto allo Studio Universitario dell’Università Cattolica
Largo Gemelli 1, 20123 Milan – tel. 0272342235 – fax 028053215
e-mail: [email protected] (produzione); [email protected] (distribuzione)
web: www.educatt.it/libri
Associato all’AIE – Associazione Italiana Editori
ISBN edizione cartacea: 978-88-9335-328-1
copertina: progetto grafico Studio Editoriale EDUCatt
finito di stampare nel settembre 2018 presso Litografia Solari – Peschiera Borromeo (MI)
Introduction
The content of the submitted monograph can be framed by the following idea “Getting old means to grow and to ripen. The old man is the one who lives in the community longer and knows many stories...”(Holmerova and col., 2007, p. 59) and the thought of the Talmud book, “Respect the old one even if he forgot everything due to old people’s weakness”.
We present the results of research carried out in Europe (the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Poland) and in India (Kerala) to the scientific and professional community.
As a result of the development of the society, the demographic changes as the aging of the population in European countries and changes in the structure and size of families and due to other social and economic contexts, it is necessary to change the content and scope of the state’s social policy assuming that it is a state of social good, a welfare state.
One of the welfare state measures in the European frame is to create conditions for the care of the elderly according to their needs, both in the home care (field social work) and in the institutionalized care. We realize that the needs of old people are the same as for other citizens, but they also have their own specifics and sometimes the specific conditions of their fulfilment.
The monograph presents views of young people on the elderly, to the help to the older people, the solitude of the elderly, the violence against the elderly, some areas of social services for the elderly, the self-help groups in social work with the elderly, but also some demographic development of the population and others.
The aim of the publication is to share research findings, offer them for the implementation into practice, trigger a discussion, and also provide a stimulus for further research in this area.
An important goal is also to know the starting point in planning social measures, guiding social change and educating young, but not just young generations.
1. The context of the pension system,the demographic development and the reproductive behaviour of the Slovak population after 1990
The pension system in the Slovakia is based on three pillars following the 2004-2005 reform:
The mandatory defined-benefit pension scheme (1st pillar) is administered by the statecontrolled Social Insurance Agency. It is financed primarily by pension insurance contributions paid by economically active citizens in the amount of 18% and/or 14% of the assessment base (gross wage), depending on whether they are enrolled only in the first pillar or concurrently in the first and second pillars.
There is an upper cap on the assessment base which is set at five times of the average wage. The minimum contribution period for pension entitlements is 15 years. The State pays contributions on behalf of specific groups, such as persons on maternity leave, persons taking care of children up to age 6 and carers of persons with severe disabilities. Contributions as well as pensions in payment are exempt from taxation.
In 2012, the Social Insurance Fund paid for disability, elderly and widow’s pensions 5.64 billion. eur, which makes 7.89% of gdp.
The mandatory defined-contribution funded pension scheme (2nd pillar) is in operation since 2005 and that manages six private pension fund management companies: aegon, Allianz, axa, ing, Postova banka (until May 17, 2011 Csob), vUb Generali. It has been operating since 2005, encompassing about 1.45 million people, 60% of people in economically active age. The level of assets reached in 2013 about 5.5 billion eur, which makes about 7.6% of gdp. Contributions to the second pillar are exempt from income tax.
The voluntary supplementary defined-contribution funded scheme (3rd pillar) was launched in 1996. The private scheme is open to employees, self-employed and voluntary savers, who sign contracts with one of the currently four supplementary pension companies. (axa, ing Tatry-Sympatia, Stabilita, Tatra banka). In 2012, in encompassed 447 thousand people, which is roughly a fifth people in economically active age.
Special social security systems cover so-called force departments, including soldiers, policemen, customs officers, firemen and rescuers. The schemes are administered by the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Interior. Financing comes from contributions paid by active members and direct State budget subsidies. Average awarded pensions are 1.5-2 times higher than pensions paid from the public pay-as-you-go scheme.
Since 2006 the government provides old-age pensioners, early retirement pensioners and disability pensioners with a Christmas pension bonus financed from the State budget. This benefit is not a component of the social insurance scheme, but a recurrent income support paid every year around Christmas to pensioners with pensions below 60% of the average wage in the economy (in 2012, up to a pension of eur 471.6). In 2012, the sum ranged from eur 38.69 to eur 66.39 based on the amount of the recipient’s pension (the higher the pension, the lower the bonus).
Statutory retirement age is set at 62 years for men and women. Due to an ongoing transitional period, however, women retired at age 57.5 to 61.5 years in 2013, depending on the number of children raised. As from 2017, the retirement age shall be linked automatically to the development of life expectancy. The automatic adjustment shall take into account changes in 5-year averages of life expectancy at the applicable retirement age. In line with expected longevity gains, the retirement age could increase by approximately 50 days per year. The obvious goal is to improve the long-term sustainability of the pension system.
Table 1: Retirement age projections (years)
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
Men
62,00
62.00
62,00
62,00
62,00
62,00
62,00
62,14
Women
59,00
59,43
59,86
60,29
60,71
61,14
61,57
62,14
2018
2019
2020
2030
2040
2050
2060
Men
62,28
62,42
62,56
63,94
65,26
66,49
67,68
Women
62,28
62,42
62,56
63,94
65,26
66,49
67,68
Prolonged working lives should translate into higher employment rates in the pre-retirement age population (55-64 years). According Eurostat, employment rateof people in this age groupsin 2012 reached 43,1% (men: 53,6% compared to 56,7% in 2008, women: 33,6% compared to 9,5% in 2002) which is still the EU average 48,8%) (downloaded: Golias, P., 2013 and “Monitoring a komentovanie strukturalnych reforiem” Institut pre ekonomické a socialne reformy).
In the current world, as well as in Slovakia, there is a major demographic problem The pay-as-you-go pension system created by Otto Von Bismarck, effective in Slovakia run by Social Insurance Agency is based on the idea that working participants subsidize all retirees. However, the development shows that this system is no longer working, for three reasons:
• The average life expectancy increases.
• Birth rate decreases (fertility).
• The population is getting old.
Increasing average life expectancy in Slovakia is due to improved health-care and also reduced workload. While in 200, the average male life expectancy was 69.5 and the female life-expectancy was 77.6 years, in 2050 it will be 71.6 years for men and 80.3 for women. This constantly increasing life expectancy causes higher financial demands on the payment of pensions. For this reason, retirement age is also increased.
Graph 1: Amount of people in economically active age (18-64 years) per one pensioner in Slovakia
Decreasing birth rates is a problem of the entire Euro-American culture. In order to preserve the lineage, it is necessary that family has at least two children. But the current trend is different and the demographic development is far from favourable. When fewer children are born, there will be less working population per each retiree.
Aging is a direct consequence of previous problems. While in 2005 there were 5.6 workers per one retiree, in 2050 it will be just 1.8 working people per one retiree. This means that 1.8 people will have to work for one retirement rent for one pensioner in 2050, which negatively influence the taxes of workers and the retirement rents.
In principle, there are two alternatives that can substitute the pay-as-you-go social insurance system. The first is a system that had been effective for centuries also in our country, today it is rather common in countries such as China. It is based on the principle of “three pennies”. Each person, besides bringing up children and taking care of their own lives, also finances their own parents. However, this system is unreliable, because it again faces the problem with a small number of children in the family.
The real solution is that everybody during his active working life saves for his own retirement rent retires. This system already works in many countries in the world. For the first time, the system was implemented by the Chilean economist José Piner. Since then, there have been dozens of countries joining the system. Slovakia has joined this modern route in 2005. In Chile, they are already paying out pensions that are much higher than retirement rents paid out from the state-run first pillar. (http://dochodky.com/dochodky-v-cislach)
Political and economical changes in Slovakia after 1990 evoked natural changes in demographic development and reproductive behavior of population, which lasted more than two decades in west Europe. In Slovakia they were visible ten years after this change. This process was influenced by a certain gained freedom in businesses, traveling, in education abroad, what for young people was very attractive and desirable. In the economical area the changes included liberalization of prices, unemployment, impossibility to solve housing of individual families etc. These facts significantly changed conditions for reproduction of population and that way the demographic development. Present demographic trends in Slovakia are basically the same as in whole Europe. Total fertility in the European Union (eu) is only 1.5 children and in Slovakia it is 1.398 (2010). So we belong to countries with lowest natality, what is less than the level necessary for simple reproduction, which is 2.1 (Pastor, 2005).
Slovakia began to drop in fertility and birth rates in the late 80’s. Changes associated with the second demographic transition started showing especially after 1989. In different time periods, this decline continued with varying intensity until the beginning of the 21st century and continues to these days, which was a significant change in reproduction ratio. Generally speaking, the later the start changes associated with demographic transition, the faster and more intensive ongoing. Since the 90’s the total fertility rate decreased gradually until below the “low fertility” (1.5). Between 2000-2007 the total fertility rate fell below the “very low fertility” (1.3) first. In 2006, the value of the indicator of total fertility rate began to rise slowly, and in 2008 the total fertility rate again rose above the threshold “very low fertility”. Currently, the total fertility rate fluctuating around 1.34 (in 2012 and 2013). This is a slight decline, but the trend of gradual increasing intensity and recovery of fertility is maintained. Fertility recovery is mainly due to the realization of deferred deliveries and slower growth in the average age of women giving birth, a time of change in reproductive behavior is slowly ending and Slovak population watching the “new” family and reproductive behavior. In terms of reproduction generations from early 90’s women themselves do not provide for adequate compensation. The level of compensation since 2003, increased slightly to a level of 0.71 girl to 1 woman (gross reproduction rate) in 2011. In connection with the change in the methodology of the survey indicators reproduction of births in 2012 fell slightly to 0.65 (gross reproduction rate) and 0.64 (net reproduction rate). In 2013 was a year of stabilization indicators of fertility. Gross reproduction rate remained at 0.65, the net reproduction rate at 0.65, and the total fertility rate at 1.34 children per live birth a woman of childbearing age. With the current levels of fertility and mortality in a generation will decline 35% of potential mothers (net reproduction rate) (Population Development in 2013).
In 2013 was the average age of women at birth 29.2 years. In comparison with 2003 it has increased by 2.3 years. More significant is the increase in the average age of first-time mothers (increased of 2.5 years compared to the beginning of the reference period). Currently Slovak women give birth to her first child at an average 27-year old. Raising the average age of women at birth indicates the still ongoing changes in family and reproductive behavior associated with the second demographic transition. With increasing age also it reduces the ability of women to conceive a child.
Researching of giving birth by mother by age shows that the most children are born to mothers aged 25-29 years and 30-34 years. The number of children born to mothers in the age group 25-29 year old in the whole observed period varied in number over 19,000, in the last two years recorded a slight decrease to 17,000 births. In the age group 30-34 year old women there since 2003 a significant increase in the number of births in 9500 to 19,000 in 2011. Beyond 2011 as recorded both in the age group 25-29 years annual slight decrease in the number born to almost 17,000. In all older age groups (over 35 years), the number of mothers increased throughout the period (Population Development in 2013).
Researching reproductive behavior in the first decades of stated changes was realized within a wider conceived research “Ideas of young people about marriage and parentage” in the Czech republic 1997, which was realized by the Center of empiric researches supported by the Research institute for labor, social affairs in the Czech republic (Fialova, et al., 2000). The research was aimed at single persons aged 18 to 29. In Slovakia the Society for planned parentage realized savings (www.rodicovstvo.wordpress.com) in 1996, the results of which talk about reproductive behavior of Slovak women (mostly aimed at birth-control). The pattern was composed of 115 women aged 15 to 44. Some data from our research, which are from the methodological aspect comparable, will be compared to results of these researches within the discussion about this research.
A traditional model of reproduction of population in our population is birth of a child in marriage alliances. Within the research we were interested in what attitude has the young generation towards these relationships (marriage, partner). We can state that the respondents living alone usually have long-term relationships (two to three years). We assume that this happened due to greater responsibility and independence. Respondents living with parents usually have short-term relationships (half a year or year). We assume that short-term relationships are favorable due to lower age of the respondents, still studying and in case of long-term relationships it can be related to impossibility or unwillingness to be independent of respondents with higher age. According to results of Fialova et al. (p. 116, 2000) 12% of single men and 15% of single women live in a stable partnership. 49% of men and 34% of women live without a permanent partner.
The following findings are from researches published in Reproductive behavior of young people by Zilova, V. (2011) and Zilova, V. et al. (2013).
When researching attitudes of respondents towards marriages, we found out that the highest percentage of respondents of all age categories (¾), who want to marry, consider marriage a symbol of life-long relationship within all their chosen attitudes. There were no significant differences in this attitude from the aspect of education, age or sex.
When researching ideal age to marry among all observed variables, respondents determined the ideal age to marry to be the age category 25 to 30. According to most women’s opinions from the research Reproductive behavior of Slovak women (www.rodicovstvo.wordpress.com), their opinions to marry and have the first child cumulate between 21 and 23. According to opinions of young people about marriage and parentage (1997) (www.rodicovstvo.wordpress.com) the average age to marry for men was 27.7 and for women 25.4. According to Fialova et al. (pp. 62-64, 2000) the average age for men was 25 to 30 with the average of 26.5 and for women 23.5.
When comparing wished and ideal age for having the first child, it comes to visible differences in opinions, when the ideal age for the first child is considered to be 25 to 30 stated by age categories 18 to 23 and 24 to 29, the age category 30 to 35 considered the ideal age to be 30 to 35.
At ideal age of parents having the first child concentration of answers from the aspect of all variables is placed around the age 25 to 30 slightly shifting to the age category 20 to 25.
It is obvious that young people delay parentage to a higher age, even though they are aware that it is ideal and adequate to have children at younger age.
When researching the amount of children childless respondents wish to have in future from the aspect of all variables, the highest percentage stated two and two or three. The same percentage of respondents stated the ideal amount of children to be two, two or three and three or four. Respondents, who already have children (1 or 2) stated that they plan to have maximum one more (¼) and ¾ of respondents do not plan to have more children. In the research of reproduction behavior of Slovak women (www.rodicovstvo.wordpress.com) 70% of women in fertile age consider it is optimal to have two children.
We found out that the ideal amount of children, which the respondents stated, is much higher than the wished amount for future, which the respondents really want to have. In the research by Fialová and col. (pp. 92-94, 2000) ¾ of respondents voted for ideal two-child family. Mentioned authors further state that the two-child system of family was introduced after the second world war and significantly supported by the abortion law dated 1958, where 3 children were considered “more” and families with three children were determined “big”. Two children in family nearly became norm for the after-war generation of women. An interesting finding is the fact that three children were mostly stated by those respondents, who wanted to marry right away (without “trying to live in a partnership”).
If pregnancy is a reason to marry was answered by the respondents, from the aspect of having an intimate partnership, type of living, home address, finished education, where they were mostly positive about this fact not being a reason to marry. We noted differences with women, who mostly said that it is not a reason to marry, compare to men, where a higher percentage of men said that it is a reason to marry. At this point we can consider the influence of the traditional position of man in family as a provider and protector, what could have emphasized the feeling of responsibility for his child and its mother.
Despite this we found out that half of the respondents – female and male sex – cannot imagine having children without being married.
The same attitude is held by respondents who finished first and second year of university education and respondents living in town as well as those living in the countryside. A different attitude is held by those who live independently and also half of the respondents having an intimate partnership can imagine such a situation. Half of the respondents who have no intimate relationship cannot imagine such a situation.
Half of the respondents who are religious cannot imagine having children without being married and ⅓ of respondents can imagine it. Religious respondents stated that they can imagine having children without being married only if they will marry in future (⅔ of respondents).
When researching how are respondents secured in case of a social event in future and what connection they see to their unfavorable social situation in future and the amount of raised children.
The form of life insurance is used in the same amount by men (62%) and women (62%). More women (58%) than men (49%) pay this insurance from own resources; the others get it paid by parents. The inutility of life insurance was also pointed out by respondents, where 76.6% of women and 76.5% of men who have no life insurance think this insurance to be unnecessary, not wanted or refused due to not having any commitments. Approximately ¼ of these respondents have no life insurance due to distrust towards the insurance company.
Annuity assurance is held by approximately 50% of men and women. Out of those who pay annuity assurance, more women pay it individually than men. More respondents from town have insurance than respondents living in the countryside.
Accident insurance is usually paid by women more than by men, with the same tendency to pay individual like it is with annuity insurance (more women pay it individually). Respondents living in town and those living in the countryside have the same share in numbers for paying this kind of insurance and similar to annuity.
When researching what relation the respondents see between the amount of children they raised and their old age,we found that more than half of the respondents of all observed variables stated, that they see no connection. Out of those, who answered that they see a connection, the most frequent answer was more children, higher chance that somebody will care for me and help me to live a nice old age. Other often associations, which the respondents saw, were: there will be somebody to work for my pension, more children, more fun, earlier retirement and the less children, the faster I help them to cut loose.
Table of Contents
Introduction
1.The context of the pension system,the demographic development and the reproductive behaviour of the Slovak population after 1990
1.1 Social connections between research results and the concept of social state policy and social work
1.2 Risks of the stated demographic development of population in Slovakia
2.Selected risk areas in lives of the elderly in Slovakia and the Republic of Poland
2.1 Violence towards the elderly and other people
2.1.1 The autonomy of an elderly person
2.1.2 Personal experience of the elderly with violence in the family and in facilities caring for the elderly (research findings) (Kamanova, Blahutova, 2011)
a) The personal experience of seniors with physical violence
b) Personal experience of seniors with psychological violence
c) Personal experience of seniors with social violence
d) Personal experience with economic violence
e) Reflection of violence perceptions of the elderly and younger people
2.1.3 Violence of children against their parents
a) Results of the research considering respondents – parents and children
b) Reaction of parents to the disobedience of children and the reaction of children to the restrictions imposed by parents
c) Consequences for a child as a result of its disobedience
d) Reactions of a child to the parental prohibitions
e) Reaction of a child in the case of nervousness in a family
f) Ways by which a child is claiming its rights in is family
2.1.4 Legal norms valid in Slovak Republic which restrict and prevent violence against other persons
2.2 The loneliness of the elderly
2.2.1 Main part Loneliness and solitude – explaining basic terms, reasonings, types
2.2.2 Main reasons for loneliness and solitude
a) Social causes
b) Developmental causes
c) Psychological causes
c) Situational causes
d) Spiritual causes
2.2.3 Mental loneliness
2.2.4 Moral loneliness
2.2.5 Results of loneliness
2.2.6 How to deal with loneliness?
2.3 Loneliness and the state of being alone of the elderly in Slovakia in research
2.3.1 Emotional and social loneliness of the elderly in research
2.3.2 Research: Loneliness and human health
2.3.3 Survey of experiencing emotional and social loneliness
2.3.4 Research on the social context of loneliness
a) Research results
b) The elderly in a social group
c) Emotions emerging with retirement
d) The perception of the lonely people by the elderly
e) Adaption to the loneliness
f) Participants‘ perception of the possibilities of solving lonelinessthrough social work
2.4 Fear Syndrome and Attitudes to Death in Females of Young and Old Age
2.4.1 Evolution and Reproduction Success as a Justificationof Ageing and Dying
2.4.2 Death Fear as a Source of Neurasthenic Symptoms and Personality Defensive Mechanisms
2.4.3 Culture and Death
2.4.4 Objective of Research, Examined Groups and Measurement Tools
2.4.5 Output
2.4.6 Results of the Comparative Analysis Regarding Attitude to Death
2.4.7 Results of the Comparative Analysis Regarding Fear Syndrome
2.4.8 Results of Correlational Analysis between Fear Syndrome and Attitude to Death in Compared Groups
2.5 Senility from the perspective of the youth and their mutual understanding (Slovakia and the Republic of Poland)
2.5.1 Main part “Senility”, ”Ageing” – definitions and indications
2.5.2 Biological, mental psychological and social symptoms
2.6 Young people’s view of the elderly based on regional research in Slovakia, Czech Republic and Poland
2.6.1 Researches conducted and aimed at aging and elderly people
a) Research in the Czech Republic
b) Research in Poland
c) Research in Slovakia
e) Summary of the research according to Beňušová (2017)
2.7 The elderly and the younger ones, understandings and risks (reflection of research effort in Slovakia)
2.8 The Issues of the Elderly in Main Television News Programmes
2.8.1 Qualitative analysis of the obtained empirical data
2.9 Social Tourism in relation in the Seniors in Slovakia
2.9.1 Social Tourism
2.9.2 Social tourism in relationship to elder
2.9.3 Support of senior tourism in Europe
2.9.4 Support of senior tourism in Slovakia
2.10 Social services provided by the municipality in Slovakia
3.Changes in Support and Assistance to the elderly in the country Kerala, India
3.1 Health and life satisfaction of rural elderly women in India – scope for gerontological social work intervention
3.1.1 Bio-Psycho-Social Issues
3.1.2 Health Issues
3.1.3 Psychological and emotional Issues
3.1.4 Life satisfaction
3.1.5 Social Issues
3.1.6 Methodology
3.1.7 Major Findings and discussion
3.1.8 Suggestions
3.2 Elder self help groups and the well-being of the aged
3.2.1 The present scenario of Indian Elderly
3.2.2 Elder Self Help Groups
3.2.3 Saving & Credits
3.2.4 Methodology
3.2.5 Assessment Instruments
3.2.6 Results
Conclusion
Bibliography
