Malcolm – Soldier, Diplomat, Ideologue of British India E-Book

John Malcolm

• Herausgeber: Birlinn
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2014

Seitenzahl: 1223

Beschreibung

Highly regarded in India and Persia to this day, Sir John Malcolm is remarkably little known in his native Scotland. This book describes his extraordinary journey from modest origins to become a leading player in the transformation of the East India Company from a largely commercial enterprise into an agent of imperial government, during a crucial period of British and Indian political history. Born in 1769, Malcolm was one of seventeen children of a tenant farmer in the Scottish Borders. Leaving school, family and country at thirteen, he achieved distinction in India over the next half-century. A quintessential all-rounder, he excelled in many fields: as a professional soldier he campaigned with Wellington in south India and rose to Major-General; as an administrator, he pacified Central India and later became Governor of Bombay. He led three Company missions to Persia in the early stages of diplomatic rivalry between Britain and Russia, the Great Game. He was fluent in several languages, and wrote nine influential books, including The History of Persia. Based on extensive research in Britain, India and Iran, this biography brings to life the story of a talented and ambitious man living in a dramatic era of imperial history.

Leseprobe

Malcolm

Soldier, Diplomat,Ideologue of British India

Sir John Malcolm in 1824, while visiting Sir Walter Scott at Abbotsford.

This eBook edition published in 2014 by

Birlinn LimitedWest Newington HouseNewington RoadEdinburghEH9 1QSwww.birlinn.co.uk

First published in Great Britain in 2014 byJohn Donald, an imprint of Birlinn Ltd

Copyright © John Malcolm 2014

The right of John Malcolm to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form without the express written permission of the publisher.

ISBN: 9781906566739eBook ISBN: 9781907909245

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication DataA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Contents

List of Illustrations

List of Maps

Preface

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Part One: Scotsman

1Eskdale Childhood, 1769–1782

Part Two: Soldier

2The Madras Army, 1783–17943Britain, The Cape and Madras, 1794–17984Hyderabad, 17985Mysore, 1799

Part Three: Diplomat

6Envoy to Persia, 17997The First Persian Mission, 1800–18018Private Secretary – ‘Send Malcolm’, 1801–18029Private Secretary – Scandal in Hyderabad10Private Secretary – Lord Wellesley’s Factotum, 1801–180211Private Secretary – The College of Fort William, 1801–180212The Mahrattas – Peace and War, 180313The Mahrattas – Scindiah, 180414The End of the Wellesley Era, 180515The Mahrattas, 1805–180716Mysore – Love and Marriage, 1807–180817The Second Persian Mission, 180818Mutiny at Masulipatam, 180919The Third Persian Mission, 181020Baghdad and Back, 181021Persian Postscript, 1811–1833

Part Four: Author

22Bombay, 181123England – Family, Career and the Literary World, 1812–1816

Part Five: Proconsul

24India – Shuttle Diplomacy, 181725India – War, 1817–181826India – Surrender of the Peshwah, 181827India – Ruler of Central India, 1818–1821

Part Six: Ideologue

28Civil Governance – Three Scots in Western India29England – Country Gentleman, 1822–182730Governor of Bombay – Events, 1827–183031Governor of Bombay – Quarrel with the Judges32England – Last Days, 1831–1833

Postscript

Appendices

1.British Government and EIC Office Holders between 1783 and 18332.Horses – ‘The Khan’3.Estimated Population of British India, c.1825–18304.Finances of Bombay Territories, 1827–1832

Glossary, Terminology and Spelling

Glossary of Indian, Anglo-Indian and Persian Words and Phrases

Note on Terminology

Note on Spelling

Spelling of Indian and Persian Names

Family Tree

      Malcolm of Burnfoot Family

Abbreviations

Notes

Bibliography

Index of People

General Index

Plate Section

List of Illustrations

In-text illustrations

p. ii Sir John Malcolm (Chalk drawing by William Bewicke. Reproduced by permission of the Scottish National Portrait Gallery.)

p. 32 View of Seringapatam from the north-east, 1791. (Drawing by I. Smith, included in A Dirom, A Narrative of the Campaign in India, 1791. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland.)

p. 37 Henry Dundas, Viscount Melville (1747–1811). (Painting by Henry Raeburn, reproduced by permission of the Lloyds Banking Group, Bank of Scotland.)

p. 41 General Sir Alured Clarke (1745–1832). (Engraving by unknown artist. Private collection.)

p. 60 James Achilles Kirkpatrick (1764–1805). (Portrait by Chinnery, 1805. Private collection.)

p. 92 Jonathan Duncan (1756–1811), Governor of Bombay. (Drawing by Mesquerier. Reproduced by permission of the Scottish National Portrait Gallery.)

p. 110 Persepolis carving made by Malcolm and his party in 1800. (Photograph by Julian Lush.)

p. 113 Fath Ali Shah (1772–1834). (Engraving by C. Heath, from an original Persian painting. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland.)

p. 159 Mahratta Cavalry. (Drawing by unknown Indian artist, included in A. Dirom, A Narrative of the Campaign in India, 1791–2. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland.)

p. 162 Colonel (later Major General) Sir Barry Close (1758–1813). (Painting by an Indian artist, copied by Moore. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

p. 206 John Leyden (1775–1811). (Ink drawing 1811. Frontispiece of John Reith’s Life of Dr John Leyden, 1908. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland.)

p. 216 General Sir Gerard (later Viscount) Lake (1744–1808). (Painting by an unknown artist. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

p. 239 Gilbert Elliot, 1st Earl of Minto (1757–1814). (Painting by Chinnery, 1811. Reproduced by permission of the Scottish National Portrait Gallery.)

p. 248 Sir Harford Jones Bt (1764–1847). (Painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence. Reproduced by permission of the Bridgeman Art Library, London.)

p. 273 Sir George Barlow Bt (1762–1846). (Painting by an unknown artist. Reproduced by permission of the National Portrait Gallery, London).

p. 282 Charles Grant (1746–1823). (Chalk drawing by an unknown artist. Frontispiece of Henry Morris’s The Life of Charles Grant, 1904. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland.)

p. 306 Abbas Mirza (1789–1833). (Drawing by R. Ker Porter, included in his Travels in Georgia, Persia etc 1817–1820. Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Scotland).

p. 310 Claudius James Rich (1787–1821). (Painting by an unknown artist. Reproduced by permission of the British Library.)

p. 333 Sir James Mackintosh (1765–1832). (Painting by an unknown artist. Private collection.)

p. 340 General Sir Charles William Pasley (1780–1861). (Painting by Charles B. Leighton. Reproduced by permission of the Royal School of Military Engineering, Chatham.)

p. 369 Francis Rawdon, Earl of Moira, later Marquess Hastings (1754–1826). (Painting by S. Lane. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

pp. 388–389 The Battle of Mehidpoor (21 December 1817). (Drawing by an unknown artist. Frontispiece of Valentine Blacker’s The Mahratta War 1817–1819. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

p. 436 Charles Metcalfe (1785–1846). (Painting by F. R. Say. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

p. 440 Mountstuart Elphinstone (1779–1859). (Painting by H. W. Pickersgill. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London).

p. 440 Major-General Sir Thomas Munro (1761–1827). (Painting by R. R. Reinagle. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

p. 458 Carving at Dendera, Temple of Hathore, Upper Egypt, 1822. (Photograph by Bini Malcolm. Private collection.)

p. 463 William Whewell (1794–1866). (Painting by James Lonsdale c.1821. Reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge.)

p. 463 Adam Sedgwick (1785–1873). (Painting by Lowes Dickinson. Reproduced by permission of the Sedgwick Museum, Cambridge.)

p. 511 Plaque beside the Bhore Ghaut freeway. (Photograph by Bini Malcolm. Private collection.)

p. 524 Edward Law, Lord Ellenborough (1790–1871). (Painting by F. R. Say. Reproduced by permission of the National Portrait Gallery, London.)

p. 548 Sir John Malcolm. Statue in Westminster Abbey. (Sculpted by Sir Francis Chantrey. Copyright, Dean and Chapter of Westminster Abbey.)

p. 548 Obelisk on Whita Hill, Langholm. (Photograph by Bini Malcolm. Private collection.)

Plates

1 Burnfoot and Douglen farms in the eighteenth century. (Unknown artist, Private collection.)

2 River Esk, near Burnfoot. (Photograph: Bini Malcolm.)

3 George Malcolm (1729–1803), father of John Malcolm. (Painting by Henry Raeburn c.1800. Private collection.)

4 Margaret, ‘Bonnie Peggy’, Malcolm (1742–1811), mother of John Malcolm. (Painting by Henry Raeburn c.1800. By permission of the Courtauld Gallery, London.)

5 Douglen Cottage, where John Malcolm was born. (Reproduced by permission of the National Gallery of Scotland.)

6 Westerkirk Schoolhouse. (Photograph: Bini Malcolm.)

7 Fort St George, Madras, from the sea. (Painting by G. Lambert and S. Scott. Reproduced by permission of the British Library.)

8 Tipu Sultan, Ruler of Mysore, 1782–1799. (Drawing by an unknown Indian artist. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

9 Lord Cornwallis and the sons of Tipu, 1792. (Painting by Mather Brown. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

10 Richard Wellesley (1760–1842). Bust by Noellekens. (Reproduced by permission of the Provost and Fellows of Eton College.)

11 Meer Alam (?1760–1809), c.1799, the Nizam of Hyderabad’s vakeel to the British. (Painting by an unknown Indian artist. Reproduced by permission of the Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad.)

12 The Nizam and his durbar on a hunting expedition. (Painting by Venkatchellam. Reproduced by permission of the Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad.)

13 William Kirkpatrick in Madras, c.1799, with his assistants and Persian munshis. (Painting by Thomas Hickey. Reproduced by permission of the National Gallery of Ireland.)

14 Persepolis – a contemporary view. (Drawing by James Morier, c.1811. Reproduced by permission of the National Gallery of Scotland.)

15 Government House Calcutta. (Engraving by James Baillie Fraser, from Views of Calcutta, 1821. Reproduced by permission of the National Gallery of Scotland.)

16 Baji Rao II, Peshwah of Poona (1775–1851). (Painting by an unknown Indian artist. Reproduced courtesy of Wellcome Images.)

17 Sir Arthur Wellesley and his favourite charger Diomed. (Painting by John Hoppner in 1806. Reproduced courtesy of the Trustees of the Stratfield Saye Preservation Trust.)

18 Dowlat Rao Scindiah (1781–1827). (Painting by an unknown Indian artist. Reproduced courtesy of Her Highness Shrimant Maharani Sir Jivaji Rao Scindia Museum, Gwalior.)

19 Tiger Hunt in India, c.1795 (Painting by an unknown artist. Reproduced by permission of the British Library.)

20 British Envoys at the Persian Court, 1808–1811. (Painting by an unknown Persian artist. Reproduced by permission of the Bridgeman Art Library, London.)

21 Lady Charlotte Malcolm and her children in 1815. (Drawing by George Hayter, 1815. Private collection.)

22 Sword of the Maharajah Holkar. (Reproduced courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.)

23 The Fortress of Asirgarh. (Photograph by Bini Malcolm.)

24 Nalcha, near Mandu. (Photograph by Bini Malcolm.)

25 Mehmet Ali, Pasha of Egypt (1769–1849). (Painting by Thomas Brigstock. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

26 Hyde Hall, Hertfordshire. (Drawing by J. P. Neale 1819. Reproduced by permission of Cambridge University Library.)

27 Malcolm’s meeting with Sahajanand Swami. (Painting by an unknown Indian artist. Reproduced courtesy of Bochsanawasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS).)

28 The Duke of Wellington, elder statesman. (Painting by H. W. Pickersgill. Reproduced courtesy of the Oriental Club, London.)

29 India House, Leadenhall Street, London, headquarters of the East India Company. (Print from Ackermann, Views of London. Reproduced by permission of the British Library.)

30 Lady Charlotte Malcolm in 1840. (Painting by Sir Francis Grant. Private collection.)

List of Maps

Eskdale, Scotland in 1780

South India in 1783

Hyderabad in October 1798

The Seringapatam Campaign, 1799

Persia and the Gulf, 1800–1810

War in the Deccan, 1803

India in 1805

The Pursuit of Holkar, 1805–6

The Battle of Mehidpoor, 21 December 1817

India in 1818

Central India, 1818–1821

Bombay to London: Malcolm’s overland route in 1821–2

Preface

In August 1967 my employer, Royal Dutch Shell, appointed me to be its representative in an oil refining/marketing joint venture in Iran. By way of background briefing, I attended a function at the Middle East Association in London. There I met its Director, Richard Goddard Wilson. He murmured, ‘Dear boy, that name will be very useful to you in Iran. Are you related to Sir John Malcolm?’ I had no idea what he was talking about, and my immediate family had no idea either. But eventually the elderly wife of a Scottish cousin explained that Sir John came from a Dumfriesshire offshoot of my Fife Malcolm family.

Goddard Wilson had worked in Iran and I suspect might once have been a spy. He urged me to study Malcolm, and sent me a handwritten reading list (which I still have) comprising 59 numbered items, the first one instructing me to ‘read Curzon with care’. Shortly afterwards he produced a bound volume of handwritten letters which Malcolm had written from Persia in 1808 to his newly wedded wife in Bombay. He had acquired the volume, he said, in 1956, when he was travelling north by car past Langholm on his way to Edinburgh. On a whim, he decided to make a detour and call at Burnfoot, the home of the Malcolm family since the eighteenth century. The descendant living there at the time, John Palmer-Douglas, welcomed him, ushered him into a rather dilapidated library/museum, and left him there. After an hour or two Palmer-Douglas returned, and found him reading the bound volume mentioned above. ‘Take it,’ said Palmer-Douglas, cheerfully, ‘I’m not interested in this stuff.’ So, after mild protestations, he did so. I am glad to report that in 2008 this volume of letters was reunited with the rest of the Malcolm of Burnfoot papers in the National Library of Scotland.

When I got to Tehran I was further intrigued to find that my Persian co-directors of the joint venture were two brothers – Abdolali and Cyrus Farmanfarmaian – direct descendants of the Qajar ruler Fath Ali Shah, who had signed the 1801 Treaty with Malcolm as the representative of the East India Company. I was far too busy with work and a young family to follow up on Goddard Wilson’s reading list, but I did read Malcolm’s Sketches of Persia, and was impressed by his sharp but affectionate insights into the Persian character. And when I left Iran for Australia in 1972 I was touched by Abdolali and Cyrus’s leaving present – a first edition of Malcolm’s History of Persia, published in 1815.

I also read a weighty two-volume biography of Malcolm by the military historian Sir John Kaye, published in 1856. It is an imposing work, but written in the style and reflecting the mores of mid-Victorian Britain. I made a resolution that one day, when I had more time, I would delve further into Malcolm’s life, and perhaps write a memoir from a twenty-first century perspective. The idea of a short memoir was however pre-empted in 1982, when an 80,000 word work (‘Send Malcolm!’) by a Malcolm kinsman, Sir Rodney Pasley, was published. This was a skilful essay, but Pasley used mainly secondary source material. A more thorough work was still needed. Eventually, after I retired in 1996, I was free to pursue Malcolm, and that is what I have been doing, on and off, ever since.

Kaye had written in the preface of his biography that when he was given the task by Malcolm’s widow, he had at his disposal ‘literally, a roomful of materials’ (i.e. manuscript correspondence). Sadly, many of these ‘materials’, which Kaye had described as ‘the very best biographical materials at my command’ were lost through damp and a fire in the 1860s, among them all Malcolm’s letters to his wife (apart from the 1808 letters found by Goddard Wilson).

My quest for Malcolm has taken me to archives all over Britain, especially to the National Library of Scotland in Edinburgh and the British Library in London. In India, from a base at Mahabaleshwar, the hill station founded by Malcolm in 1828, I have followed in his footsteps throughout southern and western India, and also in Iran. Thanks to Malcolm, these travels have been fascinating and rewarding experiences. My wife and I have been helped by literally hundreds of people whom we would never have met as mere tourists.

At first, conscious of how much the history of the British in India seemed to have been told from a British viewpoint, from British source material, I looked for Indian source material and for alternative interpretations from Indian historians. The results in the English language were, however, slightly disappointing, especially when compared with the undoubted mastery of English in contemporary Indian fiction. With a few exceptions Indian historians appeared either to confine themselves to a mere chronicling of events, or, in recent years, to bang a nationalist drum in which fantasy and wishful thinking overrode inconvenient facts. On the other hand, with the vernacular languages I dithered between Hindi and Marathi and, regrettably, mastered neither. So, sadly, this work remains largely an interpretation from Western sources.

Most educated Indians (and Persians) seem to have heard of Sir John Malcolm. He is part of their direct history, in the same way that William the Conqueror is part of British history. And they appear to me to have a remarkably balanced view of the British Raj. By contrast, today’s British public (I speak here as an Australian) appear quite indifferent to the history of British India, especially to its earlier years. They seem to have persuaded themselves that because some aspects of the British imperial story warrant justifiable censure, the whole should be treated as shameful, or at least dotty, and ignored. Malcolm’s memory in Britain is confined to a life-size marble statue in Westminster Abbey, and an obelisk standing lonely at the top of Whita Hill, above Langholm, in Dumfriesshire, Scotland.

But as time has passed I have found myself becoming more and more enthralled by the story of how a few intrepid fellows somehow bluffed their way into dominating a huge subcontinent; and how some of them, including Malcolm, tried very hard to rule for the benefit of the people who came under their control.

In the end, though, this is not primarily a thesis about imperial governance in British India. It is the story of one very talented and ambitious man, living in an exciting era of British and Indian history. Echoing the words of Iris Butler, in the preface to her biography of Richard Wellesley (The Eldest Brother, 1973), I have tried to present John Malcolm as a human being, and not only as an imperial symbol, a marble statue gathering dust.

Acknowledgements

This book has taken me many years to research and write, in many countries. I have been helped along the way by literally hundreds of people. I am hugely grateful to them all, but there are too many to list all of them individually.

Professor Jim Masselos of Sydney University started me off. Derrick Mirfin (who had corrected my history essays at Cambridge over half a century earlier) waded through the whole of my unwieldy first draft. Professor M. E. Yapp stimulated my thinking about Malcolm as an ‘ideologue’. In Australia John Blay read successive drafts, and Mark O’Connor commented on Malcolm’s poetry. But most of all I must thank Martha McLaren, in Canada, who read through my second draft and made many pertinent suggestions.

Descendants of the extended Malcolm family – Mrs Jean Crossley, Napier Malcolm, Heather and Bruce Osborne and Dr Walther Frhr von Marschall – all provided valuable private material.

For the Eskdale dimension Terence Waters, Shirley Rodden, Ann Little (who let me use the Little family archive), Arthur Bell, Professor Tom Scott and John Packer were supportive throughout.

For Malcolm’s friendship with the Duke of Wellington I was helped by Anthony Bennell, and latterly by Rory Muir; also by Chris Woolgar and Karen Robson of the Hartley Library at the University of Southampton, and by the Stratfield Saye archivist. For Malcolm’s relationship with Richard Wellesley I was greatly encouraged by Iris Portal.

For the Persian chapters I took advice from Sir Denis Wright, and later from Michael Noel Clarke, Charles Drace Francis and Soraya Tremayne, who read and commented on my draft.

In India many people helped in various ways; among them Bittu and Dilnaar Ahmadullah, Manohar Awati, Gunvanthi Balaram, Vasant Bawa, Dr N. K. Bhide, Gavan Bromilow, Shyam Chainani, William Dalrymple, Arunkanti Dasgupta, Amol Divkar, Amar Farooqui, Sanjay Godbole, Richard Holkar, Dilip and Jaya Kibe, Professor A. R. Kulkarni, Dr Uday Kulkarni, Colonel Mini Mohite, Sadhu Mukundcharandas (historian of BAPS Swaminarayan), Chanda Nimbkar, Pranay and Anjali Patwardhan, Shoba Shirke, Farrokh and Statira Wadia, and dozens more.

At Birlinn, Hugh Andrew turned my vague aspirations into practical reality, while Mairi Sutherland took me, as an eighty-year-old beginner author, through the process of turning a rough draft into a published book.

Lastly, my wife, Bini Malcolm. I thought of dedicating the book to her, but she has been an active partner in the project from the start, really a co-author. So I will just thank her for travelling with me so enthusiastically throughout this whole Odyssey.

Introduction

The great Empire which England has established in the East will be of wonder to succeeding ages. That a small Island in the Atlantic should have conquered and held the vast Continent of India as a subject Province is in itself a fact which can never be stated without exciting astonishment. But the surprise will be increased, when it is added, that this great conquest was made, not by the collective force of the Nation, but by a Company of Merchants, who, vested with a charter of exclusive commerce . . . were in a few years hurried – by the enterprise and ambition of their agents; [by] the hostile and rival spirit of the other nations of Europe; and [by] the weakness and perfidy of the Princes of Asia – into the possession of Royal power; and actually found themselves called upon to act in the character of Sovereigns over extended kingdoms, before they had ceased to be the mercantile directors of petty factories.1

These words were written, not by an academic historian a hundred years later, but by an active participant in the events as they unfolded.

John Malcolm was born in 1769, one of seventeen children of the same mother, the wife of an impoverished tenant farmer living in the Scottish Borders. He left school, family and country at the age of thirteen, and achieved distinction in the East India Company over the next half-century, as a soldier, diplomat, administrator and scholar. A spirited character, he was nicknamed ‘Boy’ Malcolm, for throughout his life he retained a youthful enthusiasm for field sports and fun and games. But behind this boisterous exterior lay serious intellectual ability and a considerable talent for government. As a soldier he became a General, leading the Company’s troops to victory in 1817 against the Mahratta Chieftain Holkar at the battle of Mehidpoor. As a diplomat he acted as troubleshooter to successive Governors-General, leading three Company missions to Persia. As an administrator, he pacified Central India (roughly, today’s Madhya Pradesh) and later became Governor of Bombay (ruling a large part of western India). As a scholar, he wrote nine books, including The History of Persia, which remained the standard English-language history of that country for nearly a century. As a linguist, he spoke at least eight languages. He was known, too, as an expert judge of Arab horses and as an enthusiastic amateur poet.

Though a patriotic Scot, he appears to have been entirely free of racial prejudice or cultural chauvinism. Above all, he had a warmth of heart and a generosity of spirit which enabled him to make friends with the humblest and the greatest in the land – Indian and British alike. One distinguished historian has even claimed that Malcolm was the Duke of Wellington’s ‘best and lifelong friend’.2

Why should Malcolm concern us today?

First, as a man, who came from an impoverished Scottish rural background to achieve distinction in many countries, in many fields, through sheer ability and effort, despite many setbacks; in short, in contrast to these days of narrow credentialists, as a quintessential all-rounder.

Second, as a major participant during a crucial period of British and Indian political history.

Third, as a steadfast servant of the East India Company, one of the world’s first multinational corporations, during the critical half-century when it was transformed from a purely commercial venture into an agent of imperial government.

Fourth, as one of the earliest players of the Great Game of diplomatic rivalry between Britain and Russia in Persia and Central Asia during the nineteenth century.

Fifth, and perhaps most importantly, as one of a trio of eminent Scotsmen – the other two being Thomas Munro and Mountstuart Elphinstone – who worked out a philosophical basis for British rule in India, a unique form of imperialism.

British political involvement in India was relatively short lived. The 190 years between the battle of Plassey in 1757 and Indian independence and partition in 1947 were no more than a short episode in the nearly 3,600 years of recorded Indian history. Yet they were also dramatic and decisive.

The current perception of the British Raj tends to be of Curzon, Kipling, E.M. Forster and memsahibs and the Freedom Struggle; of a complacent and apparently immovable imperial edifice being outmanoeuvred by the non-violent tactics of the saintly Mahatma Gandhi. And before that, of evangelically minded British Generals in the nineteenth century, crushing brave but pathetic Indian resistance with superior weaponry.

Yet there was an earlier period – the half-century from 1783 to 1833, roughly beginning with the Governor-Generalship of Lord Cornwallis and ending with that of Lord William Bentinck – when the East India Company achieved political hegemony over the whole subcontinent, the first time that this had ever been done.

In 1783, when Malcolm arrived in India, the East India Company was still a Joint Stock Company which had been founded in 1600, with a licence from Queen Elizabeth I to trade between Britain and the East Indies (technically as a monopoly, a status it retained until 1813). Its headquarters were in London, with an elected Court of Directors, though only a few of the Directors ever went to India. The Company’s activities were not confined to the Indian subcontinent; it also operated at one time or another in China, Indonesia, Singapore, the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. For the first 150 years of its existence its activities had been purely commercial. Then came Robert Clive, the battle of Plassey, and the Company’s acquisition of territorial power in Bengal. Surprisingly, most of the Company’s profits came from its China trade (buying tea and selling opium). It made hardly any profit from its Indian operations, although some of its employees certainly did – often by misappropriating the Company’s assets, especially in the twenty years after Plassey, when they were able to use their dual status as both government magistrates and private merchants to indulge in disgraceful exploitation of the local populace.

In 1784, through William Pitt’s India Act, the British Government belatedly set up a Board of Control under a senior Government Minister to oversee the Company’s governmental functions, and attempted to separate them from its trading activities. Both these London-based bodies – the Company’s Court of Directors and the Government’s Board of Control – opposed territorial expansion by the Company, for different reasons. The Directors wanted dividends, and territorial expansion usually involved war, which was expensive. The Government was not interested in India. It looked to North America and the West Indies for overseas expansion and settlement.

‘British’ India was ruled by a Governor-General, appointed in theory by the Court of Directors, but in practice by the British Government. The issues that the Company’s management faced have many parallels in the management of multinational corporations today: for instance, the tensions between head office and a distant ‘man on the spot’; and the relationship between businesses and governments. For the Governor-General, the management structure was a nightmare. He reported to two masters in London, the Board and the Court, each with its own very different agenda. And he had only loose control over the Governors of Madras and Bombay. Letters between London and Calcutta took four to six months each way. As a result Governors-General often had to take major decisions on the spot, and hope that in due course they would be approved retrospectively; if not, they might be recalled in disgrace. Of course enterprising Governors-General could also exploit these delays, making use of the time lags to do what they wanted to do anyway, and presenting faits accomplis to their London masters; trusting that, if they were successful, London would forgive them for having acted without prior approval. It was a risky game, but as long as he kept ‘winning’, the ‘man on the spot’ could usually circumvent the rules laid down by head office.

The key figure in this period was Richard Wellesley, first Marquess Wellesley (eldest brother of the Duke of Wellington), Governor-General from 1798 to 1805, for whom Malcolm worked as Private Secretary and general troubleshooter. It was Wellesley who had the clarity of vision to see that the chaotic state of India at that time could only be cured by a single controlling power; and that of the various candidates – the Mahrattas in the west, Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore in the south, the remnant of the Mughal Empire in the north, and the Company in Bengal (with outposts in Madras and Bombay) – only the Company had the will, the discipline and above all the necessary wherewithal to succeed. From the date of his arrival he set out to do so, with breathtaking audacity; and moreover, against the wishes of his two employers, the Company and the British Government. Seven years later, when he was within sight of achieving his aim, he suffered the fate which has overtaken many a successful proconsul of the British Empire – he was (effectively) recalled; and when he returned to Britain, nearly impeached. The commercially minded Directors in London were understandably alarmed by the size of the negative cash flows which Wellesley’s wars had generated. His project was put on hold. But it was reluctantly resumed twelve years later, and by 1818, largely achieved. Wellesley is mostly forgotten today, but his imperial achievement can reasonably be compared with that of his contemporary, Napoleon Bonaparte. Napoleon’s career of conquest was spectacular, but within his own lifetime it ended in defeat and humiliation for France; Welles-ley’s, for better or for worse, lasted for 140 years.

Between 1783 and 1833 Malcolm was a leading player in British India – a man of action in war and peace; and, through his books, a leading ideologue in the fierce contemporary debates about how British India was to be governed.

This book tells his story.

PART ONE

Scotsman

CHAPTER ONE

Eskdale Childhood, 1769–1782

John Malcolm was born on 2 May 1769 at Douglen farmhouse, on the bank of the Esk river, four miles upstream from the small town of Langholm in the Scottish Border country. He was the seventh child and fourth son of George and Margaret Malcolm. By his fourth birthday three more children had been born; by his tenth he had thirteen siblings. As a visitor described the scene many years later, ‘the noise was intolerable, everyone talked at once’.1 John was one of the noisiest.

He was ‘cheerful, mischievous, uninhibited and full of spirit, from an early age’. The village schoolmaster, Archibald Graham, later remembered him as an unruly pupil. Whenever pranks were committed, he would say ‘Jock’s at the bottom of it’. Many years later, when John’s magnum opus, The History of Persia, was published, he sent a copy to Graham, with an inscription on the flyleaf, ‘Jock’s at the bottom of it’.2

The Malcolm family came originally from Fife, and first appear in surviving records in the early seventeenth century, living in Cupar and around Ballingry. The patriarch and most distinguished member of this family was John Malcolm (1611–1692). He became the Chamberlain (roughly, Treasurer) of Fife in 1641, and gradually acquired property throughout the county. His cousin, William Malcolm (1617–1707), was born at Scottstown near Aberdeen, and married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Charles Forbes, from a distinguished Aberdeenshire family. He came to live in Cupar as a Writer to the Signet (lawyer). By the time of his death he was sufficiently prosperous to have his own family vault in the Cupar kirkyard. His third son David, also a lawyer, married a local girl, Elizabeth Melvill, and sired nine children, including Robert Malcolm (1687–1761), the grandfather of John Malcolm, the subject of this book.

Robert Malcolm achieved an MA at St Andrews University in 1707, and became a tutor to the sons of Sir Hew Dalrymple of Haddington, East Lothian. He was ordained as a Presbyter, and in 1717 Sir Hew probably spoke to the Duke of Buccleuch about finding his young tutor a ‘living’ somewhere on the huge Buccleuch estates in Dumfriesshire; perhaps, too, Robert’s maternal uncle, John Melvill, the Duke’s factor at Langholm, pressed his case with the Duke. The Reverend Robert was duly nominated as Minister to the parish of Ewes, and on 29 August 1717 he was elected by the elders of the Ewes kirk. He took up residence at the Ewes manse, next door to the kirk, and there he remained until his death forty-four years later. In 1722 he married Agnes Campbell, daughter of the redoubtable George Campbell (1636–1701), Professor of Divinity at the University of Edinburgh.

Robert and Agnes had four children, but only Wilhemina (1727–1806) and George (1729–1803) survived to maturity. It was a poor clerical family, with a limited stipend and practically no capital. Again Uncle John Melvill came to the rescue. One of the perquisites of his job was the possession of the ‘tack’ (lease at nominal rental) of the Burnfoot farm in Eskdale, four miles upstream from Langholm on the north bank of the Esk, and about three miles over the hills from Ewes. In 1730 Melvill was able to persuade the Duke to let him pass on the ‘tack’ of Burnfoot to his nephew Robert.

Burnfoot lay in the rural Dumfriesshire parish of Westerkirk, with a population of 700, mostly engaged in subsistence agriculture and running white-faced Cheviot sheep. The ‘heritors’ (major landowners) in the area were the Dukes of Buccleuch, the Johnstones of Westerhall and the Pasleys of Craig and Mount Annan.

The Buccleuchs owned (and still do) a great deal of land in the parish, and indeed all over southern Scotland and parts of England.

The Johnstones lived at Westerhall, immediately to the west of Burnfoot. In the second half of the eighteenth century four Johnstone brothers, all contemporaries of George Malcolm, became Members of Parliament, and only intermittently returned to Westerhall. Sir James Johnstone, the eldest, and 4th baronet, was a highly independent MP, ‘cast . . . in the Herculean mould, of an uncouth aspect, rude address and almost gigantic proportions . . . who concealed under unpolished manners great integrity directed by common sense’.3 He was no respecter of persons, and in 1785 supported the impeachment of Warren Hastings and Sir Elijah Impey: ‘We have beheaded a King, we have hanged a peer, we have shot an admiral, we are now trying a Governor-General, and I can see no reason why we should not put on trial a judge and a chief justice.’ While advocating religious toleration, he himself favoured Presbyterianism, as ‘the least expensive road to Heaven’. The second brother, William, who succeeded to the baronetcy on Sir James’s death in 1794, was clever or lucky enough to meet and marry Frances Pulteney, the niece and heiress of the Earl of Bath, said to be the richest man in Britain, and worth over £1 million. The condition for approving her marriage was that William should change his surname to Pulteney, which he did with alacrity. A third brother was George ‘Governor’ Johnstone. After serving in the Royal Navy he was appointed Governor of West Florida at the age of thirty-three. He later became an MP, and later still a director of the East India Company. The fourth brother was John Johnstone, who went to Bengal in 1750, aged sixteen; was captured and imprisoned by Suraj-ud-Dowla (the Nawab of Bengal); commanded the artillery at the Battle of Plassey; made a fortune as a ‘shrewd and unscrupulous businessman’; was dismissed by the Company; opposed Clive on the Bengal Council in 1765; resigned and came back to Scotland; bought estates with his nabob fortune; managed to avoid prosecution through the support of Sulivan faction in the East India Company directorate; and entered Parliament in 1774, making the estate of Alva, near Stirling, his base.

The Pasleys owned the farm of Craig, barely half a mile across the Esk from Burnfoot. In the eighteenth century it was the home of James Pasley of the Eskdale branch of the family. James’s wife Magdalen was descended from the Elliots of Minto, about twenty-five miles away – ‘the Border Elliots’ – a tough lot. One of Magdalen Elliot’s ancestors was ‘little Jock Elliot, and wha daur meddle wi’ me?’ After several centuries of clan feuds and cattle raiding, the Elliot family gained greater respectability by public service abroad – Gilbert Elliot becoming Governor-General of India in 1807, and first Earl of Minto. James and Magdalen Pasley had seven sons and four daughters including John (1729–1804), a London merchant; Thomas (1734–1808), a naval officer who at the Battle of Glorious First of June in 1794 ‘lost a leg and won a baronetcy’, later becoming Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley Bt; Charles, a wine merchant based for many years in Lisbon and later in London; and Gilbert, who joined the East India Company and later became Surgeon-General at Madras. But in some ways the most remarkable child was their daughter Margaret (‘Bonnie Peggy’) Pasley (1742–1811), who lived her whole life within a mile of her birthplace at the Craig farmhouse.

George Malcolm was meant to become a clergyman, but he had a slight speech impediment, so he became a farmer instead. As soon as he reached maturity he was made manager of the Burnfoot farm. There was no proper house at Burnfoot, so he ‘commuted’ daily, riding over the hills to and from the Ewes manse. In 1758 the Duke of Buccleuch allowed George to join his ageing father in the Burnfoot ‘tack’. The Esk was easily fordable for most of the year, and George had plenty of opportunities to meet Bonnie Peggy Pasley, ‘the girl next door’ at Craig farm. When the Reverend Robert died in March 1761, George inherited the full ‘tack’ of Burnfoot. He married Bonnie Peggy in August that year, and set up house a couple of hundred yards north of Burnfoot at Douglen Cottage and its farm, which he rented from John Johnstone of Westerhall.

George was straightforward, outgoing, charming and a bit of a dandy; ‘honest but naïve’, was his reputation. Margaret was breezy, rough and uneducated, strong but kind; the perfect foil for George. Both were popular in the district. Over the first twenty-one years of their marriage Bonnie Peggy gave birth to no fewer than seventeen children – an astonishing feat of fecundity. Throughout this entire period she must have been either pregnant or lactating. Inevitably the cottage at Douglen – a standard two-storey farmhouse, sixty feet by twenty feet – became inadequate for their growing family. Around 1772 (by which time they had produced eight children), they built and moved into a larger house on Burnfoot farm itself. In such an atmosphere there was little room for shrinking violets. The children needed to shout to make themselves heard. They would be pushed out of the cottage after breakfast, and told to go and play all day in the open air on the surrounding hills, or on the banks of the river. In the damp climate of the Borders there was plenty of rain in the summer, and snow in the winter. Despite these harsh conditions, all but one survived to maturity. They were a hardy lot.

Bonnie Peggy ruled firmly over this cacophonous throng. Despite being almost continually pregnant, she was catering, from 1780, for eighteen mouths at every meal, every day. Yet she still found time to write several cooking recipe books, which have survived.4 Her attitude to illness is demonstrated in a letter she wrote to her youngest son, Charles, a midshipman at sea aged thirteen at the time, who had complained to her of a stiff neck. ‘The Allmighty can protect you as well at sea as on Land. Put your trust in him, fear God and keep his commandments, and my dearest boy need have no other fear . . . I hope you will have no more wry necks and loom limbs, but be a brave, stout fellow.’5 As each child reached the age of six, he or she would walk or ride for about two miles through the Johnstone property of Westerhall, to the one-room parish school just up the hill from the Westerkirk kirk.6

In the 1760s and 1770s George farmed Burnfoot (rented from the Duke of Buccleuch); Douglen (rented from John Johnstone); and Craig (for his father-in-law, James Pasley, already sixty-six when George married Bonnie Peggy). He had inherited no more than £1,200 from his father, ‘a narrow capital, as times now are, to support a large family’.7 He also became a farming consultant and factor, supervising the tenant farmers on the farms belonging to gentry who were living away from Eskdale. In particular he acted as joint factor with his brother-in-law John Maxwell, the laird of Broomholm farm, for William (Johnstone) Pulteney on the Pulteney estates at Solwaybank (about three miles south of Langholm) and Dornock (on the shore of the Solway Firth). But consulting work did not bring George much money – he was paid a fee of only £20 per annum by Pulteney. He looked around for some way to increase his income. Some of his Pasley in-laws were in the wine business, owning vineyards at Tenerife in the Canary Islands. So in 1768 he set up a wine-importing venture based at Longtown, just over the English border on the road to Carlisle, in partnership with his brother-in-law John Maxwell, and Maxwell’s cousin Sir William Maxwell. George supervised the business, which was financed largely by borrowings secured by George’s guarantee. Somewhat unwisely, he also signed promissory notes in his own name to purchase stock. At first, all went reasonably well. But around 1775 things started to go wrong. Farming was in the doldrums, the wine trade was in recession, and cash flow problems became acute. By September 1779 the business was effectively bankrupt, partly ‘through the unpardonable neglect of the [partnership’s] agent’ at Longtown. There were mutual recriminations.

Further disaster then struck George’s family. He wrote to William Pulteney: ‘My family is at present in the utmost distress. Mrs Malcolm has been at the Gates of Death in a Fever. She is recovering but is still in a very critical situation. I have lost my youngest child [a baby daughter, aged one month] and this day my eldest is no more [a daughter aged seventeen], as amiable a Girl as ever lived. My two eldest sons have had the fever, but are now thought to be recovering.’ And, two weeks later: ‘My fourth son [John] just now lyes at the Point of Death. It is a malignant spotted Fever which has attacked us. I hope my good God will not permit it to spread any farther. We are using every precaution to prevent the Infection. I make all the children eat Garlic and wash their Faces and Hands with Vinegar, and it is often sprinkled in the room where the sick boy lyes.’8

On 1 August 1780 George publicly declared himself insolvent. His estate is said to have paid out only 7/7 in the pound (38 per cent), though this may have been an interim payment.

George remained in debt to the Maxwells until the end of his life. Some of this debt was paid off by his brother-in-law Gilbert Pasley, and the balance was finally cleared by his sons (Pulteney and John), immediately after his death in 1803. These events illustrate several aspects of George Malcolm’s character: his optimism, his poor business judgment, his naivety, yet also his obvious integrity and determination to repay – or rather inspire his family to repay – his creditors. These qualities were later reflected in some of his sons.

By 1780 George and Bonnie Peggy had already produced thirteen surviving children – eight sons and five daughters (two daughters had died in 1779) – with two more sons to come. In his insolvent situation George could not feed them. The daughters might be married off, but could never be expected to earn a living. The only hope was to put his sons out to work as soon as possible. There were no competitive examinations in those days. ‘Places’ could be ‘bought’, but this required an investment of capital, which he did not have. ‘Nominations’ could, however, be obtained through patronage. Fortunately George had lots of charm and some excellent contacts, and now he went to work to call up his credit with his patrons. The Johnstone brothers in particular were keen to help. Bonnie Peggy’s brothers John Pasley, the London merchant, and Thomas Pasley, the Royal Navy Captain, were also called upon.

Through the influence of the Johnstones George secured a writership in the East India Company for his eldest son Robert, who sailed to Madras in 1779 (aged fifteen). His second son James was found a place in the Marines in 1780 (aged thirteen). His third, Pulteney, joined the Royal Navy as a midshipman in 1778 (aged ten), his first posting being on HMS Jupiter, commanded by his uncle Thomas. Of the five surviving daughters only one, Margaret, was ever married – to a cousin – and she returned to Burnfoot three years later as a childless widow. So the five sisters lived on at Burnfoot for the next half-century.

John was eleven years old when a nomination came to Burnfoot for him to join the Madras Army, courtesy of the Johnstone family. John Johnstone wrote to George: ‘The enclosed, from my worthy brother, the Governor, is fresh proof of his never ceasing attention to his friends. He thinks that John, the eldest of your boys now at home, if I have not mistaken his name . . . though young, should nevertheless accept of this appointment.’9 Not for the last time in his life, John had caught the eye of a grandee, in this case ‘Governor’ George Johnstone. And he had also impressed John Johnstone, who in correspondence with George Malcolm about farming matters, wrote in July 1781 that ‘in regard to the balance of the price of cattle when you receive it, I think it cannot be so well bestowed as in paying my debt to your son John, and you will accordingly carry £100 to his credit and employ it as you think most for his benefit.’10

Nomination was one thing, but the actual appointment would depend on passing an oral examination in front of a committee of Directors in the boardroom at the India House in Leadenhall St, London – a daunting prospect for anyone, but positively terrifying for an eleven-year-old country boy who had never left the Scottish Borders. During the first six months of 1781 the family could not decide what to do about George Johnstone’s nomination. Then in July Bonnie Peggy’s brother John Pasley visited Eskdale. A prosperous and respected London merchant, and a bachelor, he had already come to the aid of the Burn-foot family in 1780, auditing the books of the failed wine venture, and giving his assurance to William Pulteney that George Malcolm’s conduct ‘stands fair in terms of honour and integrity.’11 He had already paid off enough of George’s debts to allow the family to continue to live in reasonable style at Burnfoot. His strong advice was to let John take the oral examination without further delay, regardless of the likely outcome. So, at the end of July 1781 the boy set off with his uncle in the stagecoach on the two-day journey to London. He stayed at John Pasley’s house in Gower St, and ten days later Pasley wrote to his sister at Burn-foot: ‘I allowed him to remain with me all the week, that he might see and become better acquainted with this immense city. His time was fully employed in traversing its streets, and during those few days he saw everything almost that was curious, and was delighted beyond expression. His ideas began to open, his behaviour is much altered, and on the whole, hitherto, I have a very good opinion of him.’12 On 7 August Pasley brought in a tutor, Mr Allen, to build on the rudimentary education that John had received from Archibald Graham at the Westerkirk parish school.

Time went by, and John Pasley found a Captain Tod, master of the East Indiaman Busbridge, who was prepared to take John to India free of charge – a major consideration, since passages in those days were very expensive. Yet he still hesitated to put John through the interview at the India House. He wrote to George Malcolm: ‘Johnny, though tall for his age, I don’t know how to dispose of. He certainly will not pass at the India House, and Tod will sail in March. If he loses this opportunity, next year he may have his passage to pay for. In two or three weeks Tod is expected in town. I will consult him on the subject, and endeavour, if possible, to get him out. Another year at the Academy would not hurt him: but though he would be by that means better qualified for his employment, the delay will be attended with many disadvantages, which I wish to guard against.’13 The crucial interview took place shortly afterwards. The Directors were unhappy about his extreme youth (he was still only twelve), and the interview was heading towards a rejection. Then the Chairman asked him, half in jest, a final trick question. At that time the scourge of the British in Southern India was Hyder Ali, the Sultan of Mysore. ‘My little man,’ he asked, ‘what would you do if you were to meet Hyder Ali to-morrow?’ Quick as a flash came the reply: ‘Do, Sir? I’d out wi’ my sword and cut off his heid.’ This spirited answer produced laughter. The Chairman looked round, and saw that the mood of the committee had suddenly changed. ‘You’ll do,’ he said, ‘Let him pass.’14

The Busbridge’s departure was delayed until the autumn of 1782, and John got a year’s intensive education at the expert hands of Mr Allen. By the time he embarked he was probably not much worse educated than the majority of thirteen-year-old British boys setting out for the East. He was, nevertheless, facing an extraordinary adventure. He had already been parted from his parents for a year, but at least letters to and from Scotland took only a few days. From India letters home would take up to six months, with a further six months for the reply. But, as his mother would have wanted, he was quite prepared to put his trust in God, ‘and be a brave stout fellow’.

PART TWO

Soldier

CHAPTER TWO

The Madras Army, 1783–1794

The Busbridge, a vessel of 755 tons, finally sailed from Portsmouth on 11 September 1782.1 This was only its second voyage. Besides Captain Tod, there were six officers: four mates, a surgeon, and a purser. Passengers included young writers or cadets in the Company’s service, aged sixteen to eighteen, and a few older Company servants returning after sick leave or furlough, most of them destined to die in Madras. There were no female passengers. Captain Tod was giving John Malcolm a free passage, so he did not treat him with any special consideration; in fact he set him tasks to justify the concession. ‘A voyage to India at that time seemed full of perils. You might be taken by the French or the pirates; you might die of the scurvy. You might be wrecked on a desert island or fall into the hands of savages; you might meet contrary winds and die of thirst, or tempests and be drowned . . . There was sea-sickness to reinforce home-sickness; cramped quarters to emphasise the uncertainty of your foothold; the choice of freezing above deck or stifling below.’2

Passing Tenerife and skirting Rio de Janeiro, the Busbridge reached the Cape of Good Hope around Christmas. After the long confinement aboard ship, with a salted meat diet and cramped, overcrowded quarters, the Dutch outpost provided a welcome break for a week or so. Then came another 5,000 miles, and, on the morning of 16 April 1783, John woke to see a long low coastline on the horizon. This was Madras, the principal British settlement on the coast of Coromandel, and the capital of the Madras Presidency. Slowly the spire of St Mary’s church came into view, then the shimmering outline of the fort, appearing above dark green palms and a line of white surf. The ship anchored about two miles offshore, and was immediately surrounded by dark-skinned boatmen manoeuvring their masula boats, made of ‘rude planks, sewn together with coir rope, and much resembling a walnut shell . . . so constructed that, when struck by a surge, and even dashed to the ground, it yields to the blow, spreads out for a moment, and then resumes its original shape, without losing its buoyancy.’3 John jumped into one of these masula boats and was rowed through the surf, then carried to the beach on the shoulders of a half-naked boatman. Stumbling up the beach to the fort gate into the town, his senses were assailed by a cacophony of sounds; by sights and smells and jostling merchants hawking their wares, women in saris of every colour imaginable, beggars, pariah dogs, bullock carts, stray cattle, all in the overpowering heat and glare of southern India in April.

He was just a month short of his fourteenth birthday.

Madras was already a city of 300,000 people, of whom no more than a few thousand were European – mostly officers and men of the European regiment. It was the oldest of the three British Presidency towns, older than Bombay or Calcutta.

John’s maternal uncle, Dr Gilbert Pasley, had arrived at Madras in 1754, aged twenty-one, as a ‘surgeon’s mate’ to the 39th regiment of Foot, and the following year became a ‘lieutenant fireworker’ in the Madras artillery. In 1761 he became a surgeon, exchanging, as Hicky’s Bengal Gazette put it, ‘the sword, spunge and ramrod for the lancet, gold headed cane and snuffbox’. He did well, and by 1778 had been appointed Surgeon General of the Madras Presidency, a loved and respected pillar of the small British community. Later records are more coy about the fact that he took up with an Indian lady, ‘a native woman of Madras’. She bore him three children; the eldest, Gilbert, later becoming a lawyer in Madras, the second, Charles, a Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, and the third, Elizabeth, being married to Robert Campbell, a successful Madras merchant who later became a director, then Chairman of the East India Company, and a baronet. In 1778 Dr Pasley married Hannah Dashwood. It is not clear whether the Indian lady had by this time died, or whether the two ladies overlapped, or even conceivably that in the late eighteenth century Hannah and the Indian lady were one and the same. What it does illustrate is that the children of such liaisons – stable relationships, in modern parlance – between the races, were not disadvantaged in seeking a career or a marriage.

The Burnfoot family’s original plan had been for Uncle Gilbert to take John under his wing at Madras. He had done this for John’s eldest brother Robert, when Robert had arrived at Madras in 1780. But unfortunately Uncle Gilbert had died in September 1781, and his widow Hannah had since married a local merchant, a Mr Ogilvie. The Ogilvies were now based at the fort of Vellore, about ninety miles inland from Madras.4 They came down to the coast to meet John, and after a short stay in Madras took him back to Vellore with them.

On 5 July Mrs Ogilvie wrote dutifully from Vellore to Bonnie Peggy at Burnfoot, to tell her how John – nicknamed Jack – was getting on:

by this conveyance you will receive letters from your son Jack, who, I suppose, will tell you of our journey up here, and of the wonders he had seen in India . . . Jack came to us immediately on his landing from Captain Tod’s ship, and happy was I, dear sister, to receive your son, and to do all in my power to make him happy. He was too young to go to the field, so we brought him up here and got him appointed to the troops in this garrison. He is a very old ensign, though a very young lad. He is grown a head and shoulders, and is one of the finest and best tempered young lads I ever saw, and very much liked by everybody.5

John had probably not thought too much about his future as a cadet in the Madras Army. He would have been carried along by the sheer novelty and adventure of each successive day. But now, as he settled down to the routine of cantonment life in Vellore, he may have started wondering what he was letting himself in for.

At the time of his arrival in India the political position of the Company was not good, though better than it had been a couple of years earlier. Following the gradual decline of the Mughal Empire during the course of the eighteenth century, there were three main contenders for power and influence on the subcontinent. First, the Company, dominant in Bengal and on the Coromandel Coast (the Bombay Presidency comprised no more than a small enclave surrounding Bombay itself); second, the Mahrattas, the dominant people of most of western India, but divided among themselves; and third, the Sultanate of Mysore in the south. Between them lay the lands of the Nizam of Hyderabad, the former Mughal subhadur (proconsul) of the Deccan.

In the 1760s, control of Mysore had been wrested from its Hindu Rajah by Hyder Ali, an illiterate Muslim officer in the Rajah’s army. Hyder Ali was a brilliant General. In the first Anglo-Mysore War (1767–69) he attacked the Company’s possessions on the Coast, and although beaten back, won the respect of the British for his military capability. Hyder’s army, like many native Indian armies of the period, was not vastly different from the Company’s Madras or ‘Coast’ army. Like the Company, Hyder employed European officers to command his native troops, known as sepoys. In 1782 his army had 700 European (mercenary) officers, compared to the Company’s 400,6 and his weaponry was also broadly similar. His infantry were hardy, but lacked the steadiness and discipline of the Company’s sepoys.

There were other differences. The 50,000-strong Company army included several ‘European’ regiments, where the rank and file as well as the officers were European – a motley lot, mainly British, but also some German, Swiss and Portuguese (Eurasian) mercenaries, to provide, in theory, ‘stiffening and dash in battle’ and to act as an insurance policy against any possible disloyalty of ‘native black troops’. The Company army had very little cavalry, which was considered expensive to maintain, and it had hitherto relied on the cavalry of allied native princes. Hyder’s cavalry on the other hand was numerous (over 40,000 at the Battle of Porto Novo in 1781) and ‘singularly mobile and efficient . . . [while] the Mysorean Light Horse was superlatively excellent for purposes of partisan warfare’.7

In 1780 war had broken out again between the Company and Hyder (the second Anglo-Mysore War). Hyder, annoyed by the British seizure of Mahe (Malabar) from the French, attacked the Company’s territory on the Coromandel Coast, and in September 1780 inflicted a severe defeat on Colonel Baillie’s detachment of Company troops. Many of them were captured and imprisoned at Hyder’s capital, Seringapatam. The officers were allegedly chained together in pairs and kept underground. Among them was a King’s Army Colonel called David Baird, a huge and rather testy individual. On hearing of his capture and shackling, his mother remarked that ‘she pitied the man who was shackled to our Davie’.8 They were given an allowance to pay for food and minor services such as dhobie (laundry). Their officers’ mess menu followed an unvarying weekly cycle: ‘Monday: Ketcheree: Tuesday: Fowl curry: Wednesday: Mutton Curry: Thursday: Mutton, baked: Friday: Dholl pepper water [mulligatawny soup?]: Saturday: Fowl curry: Sunday: Mutton curry.’9