The Historic Mansions and Buildings of Philadelphia E-Book

Thompson Westcott

• Herausgeber: Jazzybee Verlag
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017

Seitenzahl: 832

Beschreibung

Mr. Thompson Westcott, the author, is perfectly at home on this subject, having written "The Guide Book to Philadelphia," and a history of the city. In the present volume, he has given a description of all the interesting historic buildings of the city, e.g. Penn's Cottage, Swedes' Church, Bartram's House, Christ Church, Independence Hall, the Slate Roof House or Mount Pleasant, together with a notice of their owners and occupants.

Leseprobe

The Historic Mansions and Buildings of Philadelphia

THOMPSON WESTCOTT

The Historic Mansions and Buildings of Philadelphia, T. Westcott

Jazzybee Verlag Jürgen Beck

86450 Altenmünster, Loschberg 9

Deutschland

ISBN: 9783849650827

www.jazzybee-verlag.de

[email protected]

CONTENTS:

PENN'S COTTAGE.. 1

THE SLATE-ROOF HOUSE.19

SWEDES' CHURCH (GLORIA DEI).33

OLD LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE.42

CHRIST CHURCH.50

THE QUAKER ALMSHOUSE.62

INDEPENDENCE HALL: THE STATE-HOUSE.67

GERMAN LUTHERAN CHURCH: ST. MICHAEL'S AND ZION.86

STENTON.95

OLD ACADEMY, FOURTH STREET.. 106

THE FISHING COMPANY OF THE STATE IN SCHUYLKILL.118

BARTRAM'S HOUSE.125

THE LOXLEY HOUSE.132

CARPENTERS' HALL.139

MOUNT PLEASANT.148

CLIVEDEN (CHEW HOUSE), GERMANTOWN.162

THE WASHINGTON MANSION, MARKET STREET.177

THE WISTER HOUSE, GERMANTOWN.194

WASHINGTON'S HEAD-QUARTERS AT VALLEY FORGE.207

THE HOUSE WHERE THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE WAS WRITTEN.219

THE OFFICE OF SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.226

FREE QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE.228

LANSDOWNE.237

ROBERT MORRIS'S FOLLY.250

THE HILLS.261

BELMONT.271

THE PHILADELPHIA LIBRARY.283

BUSH HILL AND THE WOODLANDS.295

FIRST BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.305

THE SOLITUDE.312

SEDGLEY.321

HARRITON.324

WALNUT GROVE.332

FAIRHILL.344

CLARKE HALL, EVERGREEN, THE PLANTATION.353

PENN'S COTTAGE

AFTERWARD CALLED "THE LETITIA HOUSE."

Be sure to settle the figure of the town so as that the streets s hereafter may be uniform down to the water from the country bounds," wrote Wm. Penn, the proprietor and governor of Pennsylvania, on 30th of September 1681, to his trusty and loving friends, Wm. Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel Allen, who were his commissioners "for the settling of the present colony this year transported into the said province." "Let the place for the storehouse be on the middle of the key, which will serve for market and storehouses too. This may be ordered when I come, only let the houses built be in a line, or upon a line, as much as may be."

"Pitch upon the very middle of the plat, where the town or line of houses is to be laid or run, facing the harbor in the great river, for the situation of my house; . . . . the distance of each house from the creek or harbor should be in my judgment a measured quarter of a mile; at least two hundred paces, because of building hereafter streets downwards to the harbor."

"Let every house be placed, if the person pleases, in the middle of its plat as to the breadthway of it, so that there may be ground on each side for garden or orchards or fields, that it may be a green country town which will never be burnt and always be wholesome." Such was the idea of the founder in regard to the characteristics of the capital of his new settlement. His hope was that Philadelphia would prove to be a quiet, shaded, green country town, after the pattern of many English places and villages, "far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife," and free from the excitements, animosities, frivolities, and vices of a metropolis. He could not anticipate the eventful future. His great town was to be situate within an English colony, governed by English policy, influenced by English habits, protected by English authority, but scarcely daring to hope for fostering care and helping assistance from the English government. Wisdom in laying out the plan of the city has been often claimed for the scheme of Penn, and posterity has not denied the proper acknowledgment. According to his own expectation—the anticipation of the great events of the future being beyond moral ken—his plans were philosophical and practical.

He could not foresee the strong influences which would result from the sturdy spirit of freedom which was diffused among the English people during the times of the Commonwealth; nor could he anticipate that within a century the principles of government for which his countrymen, Hampden and Sydney, contended, would be the controlling philosophy in the American Colonies, and that his own town of Philadelphia would be the place at which a government representing the purified theories of the English constitution would be most effectively enforced. A "green country town," sweet and wholesome, was all that he could hope for; and as for his own residence, his desire was that it should be simple, pleasantly situate, so as to overlook the broad river, and placed in the middle of its plat, with gardens and orchards surrounding it.

The commissioners selected for the Governor's lot a piece of ground which at the time was in the most conspicuous portion of the town.

The Front street from the Delaware was its eastern boundary, the High street was upon the north, the Second street upon the west. It was not the desire of the founder that the house should be large and costly. His great ambition was that his principal seat should be up the river at Pennsbury: a house in the city was necessary when he should come down to meet the assembly, to attend Friends' meeting, or to dispatch business. His barge or his yacht would bring him in proper state and show, and take him away again. For, although the proprietary had adopted the simple habits and doctrines of the Society of Friends, there was within him much of the manner of his father's house. Formality and a certain degree of luxury, with attention to many worldly fashions, which were to the strictest Quaker vanities of vanities, were kept up. In truth, all that we know of the early Quakers must satisfy us that the severe simplicity which is supposed to have been characteristic of the Children of Light was the rule among the poor members rather than among those who were possessed of means. Penn himself was particular in regard to his beaver hats and his periwigs. His shoes were not allowed to disdain the meretricious pride of buckles. He resorted to leather overalls for riding or shooting. His wife and daughter on his second visit, when he resided at the Slate-Roof House, held their consultations with haberdashers and mantuamakers in relation to the style of their caps and frocks. They wore buckles. Letitia rejoiced in a watch, and goldsmiths' bills, which must have been for chains or other jewelry, were paid by the great Quaker. The cellar of the governor was stored with beer, cider, sherry, madeira and claret wines. Of strong liquors, rum and brandy, he had little, and preferred them not for ordinary drinking, because, according to his own sentiment, they were "better for physic than food, for cordials than for common use."

The proprietary's lot extended from High street, southward on Front and Second streets, halfway to Chestnut street. It was in length, east and west, 402 feet, and in depth 172 feet. Almost literally was the request that the house be placed in the middle of the plat complied with. The building was a little west of the center of the enclosure, and at nearly equal distances between the upper and lower boundaries. It must have been commenced before Penn's arrival.

Gabriel Thomas, in his account of Pennsylvania, published in London in 1698, said: " I saw the first cellar when it was digging for the use of the house of our gouvernour, William Penn." Gabriel says that he himself came to Pennsylvania in the first ship, the John and Sarah, of London, Henry Smith commander, in 1681. This vessel probably arrived in November. Penn came in the Welcome, which arrived at the Capes of the Delaware on the 24th of October 1682, nearly a year after Thomas was in the colony. It might seem from this statement that Penn's house was the first one erected in the city, but in regard to that matter there is only conjecture. Thomas says it had the first cellar which was dug for a house. It is claimed that the first house was built in 1682 by Andrew Griscom, but this seems to be a matter of tradition only. In regard to the materials of Penn's house, it is stated by Watson that some of the finer fittings of the interior were imported in the first vessel, but most of the work, it may be presumed, was done in Pennsylvania. Concerning the bricks which form the walls, it is proper to allude to the prevalence of stories which frequently assume, in the case of old buildings, " the bricks were brought from England." No doubt there have been such houses in America, but the probability is that the greater number of mansions to which such distinction has been assigned were constructed entirely of brick manufactured in this country. In regard to Penn's house, it is sufficient to say that if he sent out bricks from England to build it, such care was not necessary. He could have bought at his own door all the bricks required. There was a brickmaker in the neighborhood, before the city was laid out, in the person of Daniel Pegg. Pegg succeeded Jurian Hartzfelder, who obtained from the court at Upland, in the time of the Swedes, a grant of the ground between the Cohoquinoque, afterward called Pegg's Run in remembrance of Daniel himself, and the Cohocksink Creek, embracing in his estate almost entirely the district afterward known as the Northern Liberties. The soil furnished the best material for bricks, and the presence of brickmakers was spoken of at a very early period. Penn, in a letter dated July 1683, says, "I have here the canoe of one tree y' fetches four tunns of bricks;" which shows that bricks were a common article of transport, some of them being probably brought from Burlington in West Jersey, an older place than Philadelphia. Some might have come from Chester or Newcastle. In A Further Account of Pennsylvania, published in 1685, Penn said, "Divers brickeries going on, many cellars already stoned or bricked, and some brick houses going up." In this paper he publishes a letter from Robert Turner at Philadelphia, which is dated 3d of 6th month, 1685, in which the latter gives an account of the improvement in the country after Penn's departure. Turner says: "And since I built my brick house, the foundation of which was laid at thy going, which I did design after a good manner to encourage others, and that from building with wood it being the first, many take example, and some that built wooden houses are sorry for it. Brick building is said to be as cheap; bricks are exceeding good, and better than when I built; more makers fallen in and bricks cheaper. They were before at 16s. English per 1000, and now many brave brick houses are going up with good cellars." Turner then goes on to speak of the brick houses of Arthur Cook, William Frampton, John Wheeler, Samuel Carpenter, John Test and others, including the foundation of a large brick building for a meeting-house in Centre Square. He adds, "all these have balconies."

"Thomas Smith and Daniel Pege (Pegg) set to making of brick this year and they are very good; also Pastorus, the German Friend, agent for the company at Frankford, with his Dutch people, are preparing to make brick next year. Samuel Carpenter is our lime-burner on his wharf. Brave limestone found here as the workmen say being proved.'' The house erected for Penn according to his direction was plain in appearance and small. It was two stories in height, with garret room and a small back building. The doorway was in the center, with a bracketed porch-roof above it. There were rooms on each side. The second story front had three windows. There were two windows in the first story and one in the second story on the northern side, and two windows in the northern wall which gave light to the garret and loft. The latter was lighted from a plain, square-headed dormer window opening in front. The eaves were heavy and plastered, and extended around on the north wall toward the head of the second-story window, where the eave was cut through, so that this part of the cornice was displayed on either side of the head of the second-story window which looked northward. Along the northern side of the house was a road or path which led toward Second street, where the Governor's Gate was established immediately opposite the great meeting-house. We may suppose that the grounds retained the original forest trees, that they were laid out with sufficient taste and comfort to be agreeable, and that the proprietor enjoyed his residence there during periods when business kept him in the town, or after he returned fatigued, wet, cold, or suffering from heat, according to the vicissitudes of the seasons, from his visits to Pennsbury. At what time this house was finished for the governor is not known. It must have been sometime after the proprietary arrived in Pennsylvania. A curious bill rendered against William Penn by Thomas Fairman, the surveyor, contains items of charges for services rendered during the laying out of the city, and was recorded at Philadelphia in Deed Book D, No. 13, in 1785, the object being to prove a release of the claim. Fairman was settled at Shakamaxon before Penn's time. He was a surveyor, and, most opportunely to suit the proprietary and his companions, he was a member of the Society of Friends. He aided in the surveys of the city and proceedings relating thereto by Lieutenant-Governor William Markham, the commissioners, William Hague, Nathaniel Allen and John Bezar, and the surveyor, John Holme. From these items it appears that Markham, Hague, Holme and his two sons and daughters lodged at Fairman's house on their first arrival, and there is an item, "to the leaving of my house in the winter season for the proprietor's use."

No money charge is made for that accommodation, but it shows that during the winter of 1682-83, Penn resided at Shackamaxon, and justifies the inference that his house in the city was not finished at that time. The minutes of the Society of Friends state, "At a monthly meeting, Ninth month (November), 1682, at this time Governor William Penn and a multitude of Friends arrived here and erected a city called Philadelphia, about half a mile from Shakamaxon, where meetings, etc. were established, etc. Thomas Fairman at the request of the governor removed himself to Tacony, where there was also a meeting to be kept, and the ancient meeting of Shakamaxon removed to Philadelphia." This clearly establishes that Fairman vacated his house and that Penn took possession of it.

The governor could not have occupied his house in the city until sometime in 1683. According to Holme's portraiture of Philadelphia, this lot on High street was reserved for Letitia, the daughter of William Penn, from the beginning. It is numbered 24, and shows upon the plan that there is one house upon it. Letitia was at this time in England, as was Penn's entire family, and when the proprietary went into the house he kept there something like "Bachelor's Hall." When he sailed from England he left two children, William and Letitia. He was married to Gulielma Maria Springett in 1672, and when he came to Pennsylvania Letitia must have been about eight years old. Her father had reserved for her use the lot at the south-west corner of Second and Market streets, but Lieutenant Governor Markham, before the proprietary arrived, under some misapprehension, it may be supposed, granted that lot to the Society of Friends for the building of a meeting-house. Penn complained very much of that action as unauthorized. The lot upon which he built his house would probably have been considered his own if Letitia had been provided for as he intended. But the premises were marked for her use, although transfer was not made until many years afterward. The affection of the founder for his family was very warm. In his letter of farewell addressed to them just before he left England he wrote with rich expression and pathos, "My dear wife and children, my love, which neither sea, nor land, nor death itself, can extinguish or lessen toward you, most endearedly visits you with eternal embraces and will abide with you forever. Some things are upon my spirit to leave with you in your respective capacities, as I am to one a husband and the rest a father, if I should never see you more in this world.

"My dear wife, remember thou wast the love of my youth and the joy of my life, the most beloved as well as the most worthy of all my earthly comfort, and the reason of that love was more thy inward than thy outward excellencies, which were yet many. God knows, and thou knowest it, it was a match of Providence's making, and God's image in us both was the first thing and the most amiable and engaging ornament in our eyes. Now I am to leave thee, and that without knowing whether I shall ever see thee more in this world. Take my counsel into thy bosom, and let it dwell with thee in my stead while thou livest.

. . . . And now, my dearest, let me recommend to thy care my dear children, abundantly loved of me, as the Lord's blessing and the sweet pledges of our mutual and endeared affection. Above all things, endeavor to breed them up in the love of virtue and that holy plain way of it which we have lived in, that the world in no part of it get into my family. I would rather they were homely than finely bred as to outward behavior; yet I love sweetness mixed with gravity, and cheerfulness tempered with sobriety. Religion in the heart leads into this true solidity, teaching men and women to be mild and courteous in their behavior—an accomplishment worthy indeed of praise." Jeffrey, the celebrated critic, in his review of Clarkson's Life of Penn, published July. 1813, said of this letter: "There is something, we think, very touching and venerable in the affectionateness of its whole strain and the patriarchal simplicity in which it is conceived, while the language appears to us to be one of the most beautiful specimens of that soft and mellow English which, with all its cumbrous volume, has to our ear a far richer and more pathetic sweetness than the epigrams and apothegms of modern times." After a stay of about twenty-one months in Pennsylvania, Penn was required to return to England in order to take care of his proprietary interests and title in Pennsylvania, which were threatened by the proceedings of Lord Baltimore. He sailed from Philadelphia on the 12th of the 6th month in the ketch Endeavor. He commissioned the Provincial Council to act in his stead, made Markham secretary, and assigned his mansion to be used during his absence for the public service. A letter to James Harrison, his steward at Pennsbury, directs him: "Allow my cousin Markham to live in my house in Philadelphia, and that Thomas Lloyd, the deputy governor, shall have the use of my periwigs and any wines and beers that may be there left for the use of strangers." In a letter written in 1687, Penn says: "Your improvements now require some conveniency above what my cottage has afforded you in times past." This little house was therefore for some time the State House of the province. It was the place where the officers of government met. Here the Provincial Council deliberated solemnly upon subjects connected with the interests of the infant colony, and into this house came at the time the most eminent among the settlers, men of grave demeanor, serious members of the Society of Friends, the pillars of the state which supported the fabric of government. Prominent among these may be named the man of ^many employments, William Markham. He was the very Proteus of officeholders. He was lieutenant-governor under Penn's original commission, and represented not only the claim of the owner of Pennsylvania, but in some sort the majesty of the English crown. When the proprietary arrived, Markham sank from his high estate to the position of secretary of the Council. In 1691, he was made deputy governor of the "territories" now known as the State of Delaware. In 1693, when the Crown seized upon the proprietary government and appointed Benjamin Fletcher, who was governor of New York, to be also governor of Pennsylvania, the latter appointed Markham deputy governor, and he held the office for nearly two years, until the government of Pennsylvania was restored to Penn, after which Markham continued in office till Penn's arrival in 1699. Subsequently he seems to have retired from active life, but retained several of his employments and his seat in the Council. Concerning Markham before he arrived in Pennsylvania very little is known. He is represented to have come from London, and to have been a soldier who had attained the rank of captain in the British army. In after years he was called colonel," but how he reached the rank is unknown. Watson says that when Markham arrived in Pennsylvania he was but twenty-one years of age, which, if correct, would show that he had seen but little military service. He died June 11, 1704, and at that time, if he was not more than twenty-one years of age when he came to Pennsylvania, he was in his forty-fifth year. Yet he left besides his widow Joanna a daughter, Mrs. Ann Brown, who had two sons, James and William, and "a daughter-in-law,"

Elizabeth, who was married to J. Regnier. From this it is to be inferred that he was either twice married or that his wife was a widow when he married her, she having a child by a former marriage. It is possible that he might have been a grandfather before the age of forty-five, but taking all the circumstances into consideration, if it is necessary to carry out the theory, his daughter must have married very young. Regnier was a lawyer, and there are in the Logan papers letters which show that he had the settlement of Colonel Markham's estate, and that there was some trouble about the accounts, it being claimed that Markham was in debt to Penn for moneys received for various purposes. The widow of Markham after his death went to York, England.

James Logan, writing to Jonathan Dickinson on the 12th of 4th month, 1704, says: " Poor, honest Colonel Markham this morning ended a miserable life by a seasonable release, in a fit of his old distemper that seized his vitals." Logan, writing to Penn shortly after, says: " I before advised of Colonel Markham's decease on the 11th of last month; he died of one of his usual fits." Samuel Preston, writing on the 12th of the 4th month, 1704, says: "This morning, about two of the clock, our near neighbor and old friend, Colonel Markham, ended a sorrowful life; a man, thou knowest, well respected, but not to be lamented by his best friends. I was a spectator of his latter end; it was not with much hardship or struggle." Concerning the important subject of his accounts Logan wrote: "I have received all the papers from the widow, and we are to have the accounts viewed and examined, but J. Regnier, the counsellor, her son-in-law, stands very firm to her, and they plead debts due to them for services over and above all that can be presented against them. The old gentleman made a will, but has left his own daughter very little, though with him." This phrase, "old gentleman," used in relation to Colonel Markham, could scarcely have been employed in relation to a man forty-five years of age, and shows that Markham was something more than a boy when he came to Pennsylvania. Governor Evans had just undertaken to establish a militia, and the burial of the late lieutenant-governor gave an opportunity for that sort of display which attends a soldier's funeral. Logan, writing to Penn in reference to the matter, said that " he was buried very honorably like a soldier, with the militia," etc. It is somewhat remarkable that the proprietor should have chosen a soldier for his lieutenant-governor, his object seeming to be to establish a peaceful commonwealth in which should prevail the law of love. Markham had executive abilities, and a man accustomed to command was preferable in the exigencies of a new government. There is extant in Markham's handwriting a proclamation or draft of a proclamation dated at Upland, October 1, 1682, in which he requires all male persons within the Province from " 16 years of age and upward, and under y" age of 60, be ready at an hour's warning with arms and ammunition fitt for a defence, and to repaire to such place or places of rendezvous as shall be directed by me or by my order." At the time of his death Colonel Markham lived in Front street, and, it is to be presumed, owned the house in which he resided. He was also owner of a house on the north side of Market street, at the north-east corner of an alley since known as Grindstone Alley. By his will he left all his servants and slaves to his wife, with the exception of one Indian boy, Ectus Frankson, born in 1700, whom he directed should be set free when twenty-four years old.

Connected with the Provincial Government at the time when the Penn Cottage was occupied by Markham was Thomas Lloyd, who was President of the Provincial Council. It was to him and to James Claypole, John Simcock, Christopher Taylor, and James Harrison, as members of the Friends' meetings in Pennsylvania, that Penn poured out his feelings from on board the ketch Endeavor before leaving the Delaware: "My love and my life is to you, and with you, and no water can quench it nor distance wear it out or bring it to an end. I have been with you, cared over you, and served you with unfeigned love; and you are beloved of me and near unto me beyond utterance."

Thomas Lloyd must not be confounded with David Lloyd, who was very conspicuous and troublesome—was notorious in the affairs of Pennsylvania as a bitter opponent of the proprietary's policy. Thomas was a man of a different sort. David was fiery, aggressive, and a thorough politician. He gave great trouble to Penn, who speaks of him in his letters in a tone and manner scarcely accordant with peaceable professions. Thomas Lloyd came from Dolobran, Montgomeryshire, North Wales. It is stated that he was born in 1649, his father being descended from an ancient and respectable family.

His brother Charles, who had been justice of the peace and high sheriff of the county of Montgomery, was " convinced of the truth " by the gospel labors of Richard Davies, who in 1662 held meetings for divine worship at the house of Cadwalader Edwards in Dolobran.

Charles, with Edwards and some others, having embraced the tenets of the Society of Friends, they were summoned before Lord Herbert, baron of Cherbury, and required to take the oath of allegiance; which they refused to do, and for their contumacy were thrown into prison at Welsh Pool. Thomas Lloyd was then a student at Oxford, and came to visit his brother while in prison. "During his intercourse with friends there," says Janney, "his understanding was opened by divine grace, so that he embraced the truth, and, taking up the cross of self-denial, became an immediate disciple of Christ." The persecution of the Quakers led to the imprisonment, or rather the arrest, of Davies, with Thomas Lloyd and Samuel Lloyd, who were held for some time.

Soon the trouble of the Welsh magistrates was to know what to do with them. Davies and the two Lloyds were promised a release by Justice Corbet " if they would go to church and hear divine service."

They agreed to this, went on a certain Sunday, listened to the Liturgy, and after the services were over made some remarks which were listened to without trouble in the congregation. Thus these men secured their liberty by the peculiar punishment, which the magistrate must have supposed it to be, of being compelled to attend church. Thomas Lloyd was President of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania from August 1684, to December 1686, when, in consequence of the troubles of administration, Penn appointed five commissioners, Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas More, James Claypole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley. More and Claypole never acted, and Arthur Cook and John Simcock took their places. Lloyd after a time became tired of the continual contests in which the government was involved.

Penn with great reluctance gave him his dismissal. He remained in private life something over two years, was again called to the presidency of the Council in January 1690, and held that position until March 1691, when he was made deputy governor of the province, and Markham deputy governor of "the territories." In April 1693, Governor Lloyd was superseded by the seizure of the Provincial Government by the Crown, and the appearance of Benjamin Fletcher, governor of New York, as the representative of the royal authority. He assumed no further high trust. He died in the early part of October of the following year, at the age of forty-five. He was well educated, a university man, talked Latin fluently on the passage over with Francis Daniel Pastorius, the classic German who was one of the founders of Germantown. Haverford Monthly Meeting gave out a testimony concerning him in which it was said, "His sound and effectual ministry, his godly conversation, meek and lamb-like spirit, great patience, temperance, humility and slowness to wrath; his love to the brethren, his godly care in the Church of Christ that all things might be kept sweet, savory, and in good order; his helping hand to the weak, and gentle admonitions, we are fully satisfied, have a seal and witness in the hearts of all faithful friends who knew him, both in the land of his nativity and in these American parts."

The first wife of Thomas Lloyd was Mary Jones, daughter of Col. Roger Jones of Welsh Pool, who was governor of Dublin in the reign of James II., and who defeated the Marquis of Warming in Ireland.

This marriage took place before Lloyd came to Pennsylvania, and his wife died in 1680. His second wife was Patience Story or Patience Gardner, who died while her husband was in Pennsylvania, and was the first person buried in Friends' burial-ground at Arch and Fourth streets. William Penn attended the funeral, and spoke at her grave. His children were by his first wife only, and they were seven boys and three girls.

His three daughters were Hannah, Rachel, and Mary, and two of these accomplished women were foremothers of some of the principal families in Pennsylvania. Hannah married Captain John Delaval, and, being left a widow, married a second time Richard Hill. It was during Penn's second visit, 1700-01, that these espousals took place. "Tell Hannah Delaval that to be one of her witnesses [at her marriage with Richard Hill] is not the least motive to hasten me," wrote Penn from New York at this period.

Francis Daniel Pastorius, who came over with Lloyd's daughters, addressed to them annually a commemorative poem on the anniversary of their arrival at Philadelphia, 20th of 6th month, 1683. Hannah had no children by John Delaval, but was the mother of five children during her marriage with Richard Hill, but they all died unmarried.

Richard Hill was Provincial Councilor in 1703, member of the Assembly 1705-06, and Speaker; three times Mayor of the city, and Justice of the Common Pleas Court of Philadelphia 1715-24. Rachel Lloyd married Samuel Preston, who was Provincial Councilor in 1700, Mayor of Philadelphia in 1711, and for many years Treasurer of the province.

She had two children, through whom have descended the Moores, Carpenters, and other families. Hannah Shoemaker, a granddaughter of Hannah Preston, married Robert Morris, Jr., son of the eminent financier. Mary, daughter of Thomas Lloyd, married Isaac Norris the first, a merchant, who was a member of the Assembly, 1699-1703, Mayor of the city 1724, Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia, 1715-24. He was offered the commission of Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court in 1731, but declined it. He died suddenly in the latter year, being seized with an apoplexy in the meeting-house in Germantown. He was succeeded in public life by his son, Isaac Norris, who entered the Assembly as a representative of Philadelphia county in 1734, was elected annually for thirty-one years, being Speaker from 1750 to the end of his last term, 1765-66. He died shortly afterward. He married a daughter of James Logan, secretary and friend of William Penn. Mary, one of his daughters, married John Dickinson, author of the Fanners Letters. Her sister Mary, who was born in 1744, died in the bloom of womanhood in 1769. Maria, daughter of John Dickinson, married Albanus Logan, grandson of James Logan of Stenton.

The families of Hill, Wells, and Morris are connected with the Norrises.

The sons of Thomas Lloyd have attracted less attention than his daughters. Thomas, the third son of Thomas the second, and grandson of Thomas the first, married Susanna Owen. Their daughter Sarah married William Moore, merchant, who was Vice-President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania from 1779 to 1781, when Joseph Reed was President, and succeeded the latter as President November 14, 1781, and held the office for a year. Susanna, a daughter of President Moore, married Thomas Wharton, Jr., who was the first President of the Supreme Executive Council. Colonel Thomas Lloyd Moore, a son, was a fine, dashing gentleman, and toward the close of the last century lived in style on Pine street, below Third, near the Stamper and Blackwell mansions. He married Sarah Stamper, and their daughter Eliza married Richard Willing. Elizabeth Moore, sister of the colonel, married the French diplomatist, M. Barbe de Marbois, who resided in Philadelphia during a portion of the Revolution as Secretary of Legation, Charge d'Affaires, and Consul-General of France until 1785. He afterward attained the rank of marquis, was senator of France, and count of the Empire. Washington gracefully wrote to M. de Marbois: "It was with great pleasure that I received from your own pen an account of the agreeable and happy connection you are about to form with Miss Moore. Though you have given many proofs of your predilection to this country, yet this last may be considered not only as a great and tender one, but as a pleasing and lasting one. The accomplishments of the lady and her connections cannot fail to make it so." A daughter of the Marquis de Marbois and Elizabeth Moore became by marriage the Duchess of Plaisance.

It is curious that in the line of Thomas Lloyd, lineal and by marriage, occur more instances of the occupation of high office than can be furnished in any other family in Pennsylvania. In the list of chief executive officers of the Commonwealth, President Lloyd is followed by Presidents Logan, Wharton, Moore, and Dickinson. In other offices of less dignity and importance almost every branch of the family was represented.

Thomas Lloyd was keeper of the Great Seal during his presidency of the Council, and Nicholas More, William Welch, William Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckley were commissioned as Provincial Judges.

More was an eminent man in the affairs of the Province. He held many important offices. He was Speaker of the first Assembly 1682-83, and remained a member of the House until 1685-86. He was also president of the Free Society of Traders, a corporation from which highly important influences toward the prosperity of the Province were expected, but which, as the result showed, turned out a delusion. He remained on the bench as Chief-Justice 1684-85. He was a lawyer, came from London, took up large quantities of land, which were embraced in the manor of Moreland, in the upper part of Philadelphia county. Montgomery county has since divided this tract, and there was a township of Moreland in Philadelphia, and one of the same name in Montgomery. After 1687, Nicholas More fell into a languishing condition of health, his pecuniary affairs were neglected, and after his death, though he had been one of the richest men in Pennsylvania, the sheriff sold his estate to satisfy his creditors.

These men, with many others of reputation and influence, were occupants of the governor's cottage between 1684 and 1700, during which time the government of Pennsylvania was represented within its walls. Upon Penn's last visit—possibly before that time, as we have already shown that in 1687 he considered the cottage too small for the public use—the offices of the Provincial Government were transferred to some other place. When Penn came to Pennsylvania the second time, he brought his wife and his daughter Letitia, and whilst in the city transferred the lot on Market street, between Front and Second streets, to Letitia, by patent granted 29th of the 1st month, 1701.

There were added to it seventy feet adjoining to the south, the whole lot being one hundred and seventy-two feet on Front street, and extending four hundred and two feet to Second street, being bounded by ground of Widow Jennet. The property south of this lot is laid down in Holme's Portraiture as having been conveyed to Charles Pickering, Thomas Bearne, and John Willard. The patents for these lots seem to have been issued in other names. Robert Ewer became, before 1700, the owner of a lot of ground nearest the Penn property, and through these premises an alley was laid out extending from Front to Second streets, which Gabriel Thomas in 1698 speaks of as Ewer's Alley.

Subsequently it was called Black Horse Alley, it is believed from the name of an inn upon it. Letitia Penn was impatient to turn this property into money. She sold the lot at the south-west corner of Front and High streets, upon which was erected the building afterward known as the Old London Coffee-House, to Charles Read, July 9, 1701, executing the deed herself, from which we may infer that she was then over the age of twenty-one years. On leaving Philadelphia with her father in the latter part of the year, she appointed James Logan and Edward Pennington her attorneys to sell the " great lot" for her benefit. Either at this time or shortly afterward a court or alley was laid out halfway between Front and Second streets, which was eighteen feet wide at High street, extended that width seventy-four feet southward, where it widened to thirty-six feet. Pennington and Logan, and Carpenter, who succeeded Pennington, made sales of various lots upon these premises, and acted with fidelity to their principal until the time came when another had an interest in it.

Letitia did not like Pennsylvania, and was very willing to return to England. Penn, writing on the 8th of September 1701, to Logan, says: "I cannot prevail on my wife to stay, and still less with Tish. I know not what to do. Samuel Carpenter seems to excuse her in it, but to all that speak of it say I shall have no need to stay, and great interest to return." They set sail in the Dalmahoy, on the 3rd of November 1701, and reached Portsmouth in thirty days, after some sickness at the beginning, which they, got rid of in less than a week. In England, the charms of this young girl, together with the reputation which her father had for wealth, obtained for her a speedy suitor. Reports came over to Philadelphia that she was engaged to be married to a certain William Aubrey, concerning whom very little is known except that he belonged to the city of London and was a merchant. The rumors created some excitement, particularly as it was believed in the city that Letitia had plighted her troth to young William Masters, with whom she was at least on friendly terms if their relations were not tender. Logan, writing to Penn in 3rd month (May), 1702, refers to the fact that Masters had gone over to London with Janney, who carried the letter from which this quotation is made. Letitia, upon leaving Philadelphia, received from Friends' Meeting, as was usual at the time, a certificate of her membership and prudent deportment, accompanied with a declaration, common in such papers, that she was under no marriage engagement. The secretary delicately hinted the difficulty to the proprietary: "As duty on the one hand obligest me to hint, so prudence on the other to touch with the utmost tenderness if upon the news brought by several letters on board Guy, that in all probability my young mistress (Letitia) by this time has changed her name, though I willingly would, yet cannot, forbear informing thee of what has been since too liberally discoursed of her, and among the rest not sparingly, by some that signed her certificate, viz., that she was under some particular engagement to the before-mentioned W. M., the said signers having upon some unhappy information given them lately expressed so great a dissatisfaction at what they had done that it had been proposed among them to send over and to contradict or retract it." Logan was fearful that Masters would break out in London and make some objection in Meeting which might break off the match. He recommended a delicate course of conduct with Masters, and said: " My reason of mentioning this is that if she is since engaged to W. A., but all not confirmed, such caution may be used with W. M. as to get a clearance from him the best way it may be obtained, or if all be over, lest W. M., on the disappointment, which he will bitterly resent, should be guilty of any expression that would tend to her disquiet, but that prudent endeavors may be used to soften him or stop his mouth from injuring her, either in respect to her husband or the world." The wisdom with which the secretary treats this subject is amusing. Here is a case of a jilted lover, who possibly expected to make his trip to London beneficial to his suit, and learns a short time before his embarkation that reports are abroad that his fickle mistress in six months had forgotten him and pledged herself to another. It would be difficult to deal with a disappointed suitor of the worldly kind in the discreet manner suggested by Logan, or to " stop his mouth" if he thought he had been shabbily treated. It was the discipline of the Society of Friends which must have made the difference, so that one Quaker, writing to another Quaker, imagined it would be no difficult thing to quiet expressions of the dissatisfaction of a young member of the Society who was wounded and mortified by the faithlessness of his soul's idol. Masters was not to be dealt with in that way.

William Penn, Jr., in a letter written shortly after the marriage, said of William Masters: " Whatever grounds he had for it in Pennsylvania made a mighty noise here, but it lasted not long." Letitia was married to William Aubrey on Thursday, Fifth day, Sixth month (August) 20, 1702. Penn, writing to Logan from London in September, said: " We have brought her home where I write, a noble house for the city, and other things I hope well. But J. Pennington's, if not S. Harwoods, striving for William Masters against faith, truth, righteousness, will not be easily forgotten, though things came honorably off to his and the old envies' confusion, his father's friends nobly testifying against the actions of both." Aubrey turned out to be a very great annoyance to his father-in law, being of an avaricious, grasping disposition, and importunate for his wife's portion. William Penn, Jr., said of him, shortly after the marriage: "My sister Letitia has, I believe, a very good sort of man, that makes a good husband." In the next year Penn says, in a letter to Logan: "I am now to tell thee that I am to make my daughter's lots and lands up to two thousand sterling to William Aubrey, and what yet is wanting, a farm in England is to supply that deficiency, though I hope her interest is better worth there." In 1704, he writes: " Be punctual in my son Aubrey's business, to keep my credit with my poor girl." A short time afterward Logan expressed himself in a letter to Penn: "This business of William Aubrey's is a heavy addition. I write this to thyself, and cannot forbear saying he seems to be one of the keenest men living, but believe I write no news." Penn replied the same year: "Both son and daughter clamor, she to quiet him, that is a scraping man, will count interest for a guinea." In the next year, Logan complained to Penn that in answer to his letters about Letitia's lots and lands he had received nothing " besides two very angry letters from herself and husband, threatening to send over some person to look after it at thy (Penn's) charge." Logan, in a later letter, compared Aubrey to Philip Ford, who had robbed Penn and thrown him into Fleet Prison, and he warmly declared that in his opinion the conduct of the son-in-law toward the father-in-law seemed "barbarously unjust." Penn wrote to Logan in 1707: "All our loves are to thee, but W. A. a tiger against thee for returns. Come not to him empty, as thou valuest thy comfort and credit." Whilst the father was struggling to pay off his undertaking on behalf of his daughter, Aubrey was charging him with interest on the amount. Penn got tired of this at last, and in October 1708, gave order to Logan: "Pray stop occasion of more interest to my son Aubrey, for I will to pay no more on account of my daughter's £2000." Next year Penn wrote: " Oh, whatever thou dost, let my poor daughter have some money, for great is the cry of William Aubrey and old Norton against Pennsylvania paymasters." Under the constant demands for money the "great lot " was sold to various purchasers. Eventually, Aubrey dispensed with his agents, and seems to have managed the business for himself. The lots on Front street, except that of Charles Read on the corner, which was twenty-five feet, were twenty-four feet six inches front; the lots on High street thirty feet front and seventy-four deep.

The lots on Second street were one hundred feet deep. Ann Fell was the purchaser of a lot on Second street, which commenced at the distance of seventy-four feet south of High street, exactly upon the line running east to where Letitia Court widens. It ran east one hundred feet to a court, which was the little court or alley still existing upon the north side of the old mansion. In the description of the boundaries this lot is mentioned as bounded on the east by William Eastman, and this was therefore the name of the first purchaser of the governor's house, with the lot upon which it stood.

Appurtenant to the great lot was a Bank lot extending from the east side of Front street to the Delaware. Grants of portions of this lot were made at various times, beginning soon after Letitia left Pennsylvania.

At what time William Aubrey died is not now known. Letitia, in a deed of family settlement dated 22nd of September 1731, is described as "widow, daughter and only surviving child of the said William Penn," by Gulielma, his first wife. Her will is dated July 20, 1744, and she calls herself Letitia Aubrey of London, widow. At the time of her death, on or about March 31, 1746, she lived at Christ Church, Spitalsfield. The will contains sundry specific legacies. To her nephew, William Penn, son of her brother William, a silver cup and salver, silver tea-kettle, tortoise-shell cabinet, etc.; plate and other articles are bequeathed to others, including "a broad piece of gold to Eleanor Aubrey, now Clark, niece of my late husband, William Aubrey;" to her nephew, Robert [Edward] Fell, son of her niece Gulielma Maria, who married Charles Fell, £40; to his sister, Mary Margaretta Fell, who afterward married John Barron, £50; to Gulielma Maria Francis Fell, daughter of her niece Gulielma Maria Penn, who afterward married John Newcomb, £40. She left a legacy of £50 "to the poor women of Devonshire House Meeting, Bishopgate street." To her nephew, William Penn, she bequeathed all her American estate during his life—after his death to his daughter, Christiana Gulielma Fell, who afterward married Peter Gaskell, in fee.

The residue of her estate went to her nephew, William Penn, and his daughter, Christiana Gulielma. Indeed, Letitia seems to have been careful that none of her property should go into the line of the Callowhills. Her mother was a Springett, and none of her wealth went to the representatives of her father by his second marriage.

The subsequent history of Penn's house cannot be accurately traced. It was occupied by Mrs. Elizabeth Roberts, widow and gentlewoman, in 1794-95. Mary Williams put it to a useful purpose as an eating-house in 1800. It fell into neglect, and in the course of time its historic character became lost altogether. In 1822, in a case tried at Philadelphia involving a title to a right of way from Letitia Court, as it then stood, into Black Horse Alley, Timothy Matlack, who was born in 1745, stated that "there was a famous beerhouse on the west side of Letitia Court, where all the fashionables would go;" and this place, it is believed, was the old cottage. About 1760, as testified to by William Bradford on the same trial, a house was built across the head of the court [it must have been upon the lot which belonged to Ewer, which had its front on Black Horse Alley, as well as on Letitia Court]. Mr. Bradford testified that it was first occupied by Benjamin Jackson, then by Bradford himself, and afterward by John Doyle. It had been called the Leopard Tavern, but Doyle, in honor of the location and of the fact that William Penn once owned the property adjoining, changed the name to Penn Hall, and here in 1824, some of our grave and reverend citizens who were beginning to cultivate historic tastes were beguiled into an amusing blunder. They had determined to celebrate the anniversary of the landing of William Penn, and seeking for his house on Letitia Court, the bold claim of Penn Hall attracted them, and led to the hasty belief that this was the house in which the founder had reposed during the first years of his residence in the city. Therefore they met in a solemn spirit of reverence for the past, ate their dinners, made their speeches and became enthusiastic over the sacred memories which hovered around the spot, and after a season of enjoyment retired to their homes, satisfied of having done something for history. They soon discovered, however, that they had become enthusiastic in the wrong house. They had passed the Rising Sun tavern at the corner of the lane running toward Second street, which was the real mansion of Penn, and had wasted their antiquarian fervor within the walls of a building of which the foundations were not laid until the original Penn house was eighty years old.

They rectified the mistake on the next anniversary, and met at the right place. They created the Penn Society, erected the little monument on Beach street, Kensington, commemorating the supposed treaty of Penn with the Indians, and after a few years gradually lost their interest in such affairs, until the association was dissolved. The house of Doyle maintained its false pretense long afterward. It finally was leased by Gottlieb Zimmerman, who established there between 1830 and 1840 a "free and easy," the only one perhaps known at that time in Philadelphia. There was singing there on Saturday nights, and from that school of amateur vocalists graduated some who afterward became professionals whose voices were heard in concerts and choirs. Zimmerman made a charge of admission to his "free and easy "—the simple sum of six and a quarter cents, expressed in the money of the time by the little Spanish coin commonly called a " fip."

A fip gained the visitor access to this palace of delight and the right to call for refreshments. His ticket of admission was a broad copper cent, upon the face of which the letters " G. Z." were deeply incised.

Frequently these tokens were not used, and got into general circulation, and many through whose hands they passed little imagined their original intention and value. Zimmerman retired from the William Penn Hotel and went to Camden, where he opened a pleasure-garden distinguished by having built therein a tun as big as, and probably bigger than, that famous one of Heidelberg. Here in the lower story, ice cream and beverages of malt or spirit (lager beer had not then been introduced) were dispensed, whilst above, the merry strains of two or three musicians set the twinkling feet of the German girls and their Teutonic attendants in the whirling mazes of the waltz.

The neighborhood in which the Letitia House stood eventually demanded a new commercial street and convenience for the warehouses on Front street. The old Leopard Inn was removed. The line of the court was opened to Chestnut street. Letitia Court became Letitia street. But still the old house remained. It was the Rising Sun Inn in 1824, and long before. It underwent various changes, and was once known as the Woolpack Hotel. Next door to it on the south was a house which dated since 1700, and looked nearly as old as its neighbor. This building, in the spirit of fraud which must have descended from the Leopard establishment, styled itself the "William Penn Hotel," and presented to the admiring stranger a rubicund effigy of a solid beef-eating man wearing a broad-brimmed hat—a representation which may be said to be a most excellent portrait of the great Quaker viewed from the sign-painter's standpoint.

It matters little. This William Penn Hotel was not the building in which the founder of Pennsylvania enjoyed his madeira and ale. It was simply an impostor which sought to obtain credit for selling good lager beer under false pretenses.

A story is told about one of the more recent owners of the property which has a little interest. He was an emigrant who landed in the city some years ago, strange and not knowing where to go. Chance led him to the Letitia House, and there he obtained his humble lodgings for the night. It was his first night in America. Whether the peaceful spirit of the Founder hovered over him, or whether the associations were such as to affect his resolves, is immaterial. That stranger resolved—if not then and there, somewhere else at a later period—that if he remained in the United States and should become rich, he would endeavor to become the purchaser of that house—a property which was so closely associated with the history of his own fortunes. He obtained employment, was attentive, industrious, and thrifty, and in time the opportunity came, and he was the owner of this ancient property. What did he do? Did he—as the Penn Society was ambitious to do if funds could have been raised for the purpose—repair and restore it to something like its old uses and redeem it from degradation? No! Perhaps he cared nothing for its history. He knew the house first when he was poor, and now he was rich. But his hopes and thoughts were connected with wealth and how to get it. So he changed the interior to suit the tenant, and the Letitia House put on a modern, garish appearance, and wooed the patronage of the thirsty, who judge of the quality of beer by the appearance of the place where it is sold.

But better days were in store for the old house. The Bi-Centennial Celebration of 1882 drew attention to it, and a public subscription was raised to take it down and remove it to Fairmount Park, where it now stands on a beautiful knoll near the Girard avenue bridge, overlooking the river Penn loved so well.

THE SLATE-ROOF HOUSE.

THE Abbe Raynal, in his Philosophical History of the East and West Indies, published in 1770, observes in effect that the houses of Philadelphia are covered with slates, a material amply supplied from quarries in the neighborhood.

Alexander Graydon, noticing this statement in Memoirs of his own time, says, " Unfortunately for the source from which the abbe derived his information, there were no such quarries near the city, that ever I heard of, and certainly but a single house in it of this kind of roof, which from that circumstance was distinguished by the name of the Slate House. It stood in Second street, at the corner of Norris Alley, and was a singular, old-fashioned structure, laid out in the style of a fortification, with abundance of angles, both salient and re-entring. Its two wings projected to the street in the manner of bastions, to which the main building, retreating from sixteen to eighteen feet, served for a curtain. Within, it was cut up into a number of apartments, and on that account was exceedingly well adapted to the purpose of a lodging-house, to which use it had long been appropriated. An additional convenience was a spacious yard on the back of it, extending halfway to Front street, enclosed by a high wall, and ornamented with a double row of venerable, lofty pines, which afford a very agreeable rus in urbe, or rural scene in the heart of the city. The lady who had resided here and given some celebrity to the stand by the style of her accommodation, either dying or declining business, my mother was persuaded by her friends to become her successor, and accordingly obtained a lease of the premises, and took possession of them, to the best of my recollection, in the year 1764 or 1765." This description, so far as it likens the whole ground-plan of the building to the style of a fortification, was not correct. The front on Second street might justify the comparison, but in the rear the house was of peaceable configuration. The northern wall extended along Norris Alley some seventy or eighty feet, including on the eastern portion a two-story back building, used as a kitchen, which was some twenty feet in breadth, and looked out into an enclosed yard, the western boundary of which was the back part of the main building, which was the full width of the bastions and curtain on the front.

It was an oddly-built, rambling sort of a place to persons instructed only in the modern style of American house architecture. The bastions, so called, contained neat little chambers. Those upon the first floor were probably used for sitting-room or library. The second story bastion-rooms were furnished with odd little chimney-places in the corners, and the entrance to them was by steps from the main second-story apartment, so that the occupants of this part of the house went down into their chambers. The kitchen was made happy by an immense fireplace, which occupied a space between two rooms, being built in a very thick and wide chimney, in the construction of which, far beyond our modern ideas of size and necessity, thousands of bricks must have been wasted. The garret-rooms afforded height and space, and were well lighted. The upper stories were divided into rooms connected with each other, with entries and passages odd and embarrassing to strangers. The slate which covered the roof when the house was built may have been imported from England. The material was plenty enough near Philadelphia, but Graydon may be correct in observing that there were no quarries of this material in his time. Gabriel Thomas, in his Account of Pennsylvania, published in 1698, says: "There is a curious building-stone and paving-stone; also tile-stone, with which latter Governor Penn covered his great and stately pile, which he called Pennsbury House." It is known that Pennsbury had a slate roof, which Thomas calls tile-stone. Before 1700, therefore, it need not have been difficult to have obtained a supply of slate sufficient for the house in Philadelphia. The builder of the house is said to have been James Porteus. The period of its construction is not certainly known. It was finished sometime before the year 1700. Samuel Carpenter, for whom it was erected, was an original purchaser of lands from Penn, and the owner of the lot running from Front to Second street. He first built upon Front street, and probably one or two houses upon the alley on the north side of his lot which was subsequently called Norris Alley. Samuel Carpenter was one of the foremost citizens of the Province, a man of great enterprise and ability, who did more to build up Philadelphia during thirty years than any other person. When he came to Pennsylvania he was unmarried. On the 12th of December 1684, he married Hannah Hardiman, a minister of the gospel among Friends, and a native of Haverford West in South Wales. From this worthy citizen descended in the male line the Carpenter family of New Jersey, and in the female line the Whartons, Fishbournes, Merediths, Clymers and Reads of Philadelphia. Carpenter, being a man of vigorous intellect and administrative ability, was early placed in positions of trust and responsibility. He was made member of the Provincial Council in 1687, reappointed in 1695 and in after years. He was member of the Assembly 1693-94, 1696-97; he was treasurer of the Province for some years—an office in which he was succeeded by his son. Besides his trade of merchandise. Carpenter bought lands and built to an extent beyond the ability of the settlers to follow him. He therefore fell into embarrassment. Besides his improvements in the city, he had extensive mill enterprises in Bucks county. In a letter written to Jonathan Dickinson in 1705, Carpenter says: "Upon the falling off of trade, and losses and disappointments in many ways, I have of late in my endeavors to sell what I can to pay off debts, and if it please God to spare my life to disencumber myself before I die, which is and hath been very burdensome to me; so that, although I am possessed of a very considerable estate, I am very uneasy and look upon myself as very unhappy, and worse than those who are out of debt, although but mean or have but little of this world's goods" In this letter Carpenter offers to sell various pieces of property to Dickinson. Among them were a "parcel of corn-mills and saw-mills at Bristol, over against Burlington," upon a creek within a quarter of a mile of the Delaware, where a " vessel of good burthen may come to the tail of the mills to load or unload."