Preface.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X.
CHAPTER XI.
CHAPTER XII.
CHAPTER XIII.
CHAPTER XIV.
CHAPTER XV.
CHAPTER XVI.
CHAPTER XVII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CHAPTER XIX.
CHAPTER XX.
CHAPTER XXI.
CHAPTER XXII.
CHAPTER XXIII.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CHAPTER XXV.
CHAPTER XXVI.
CHAPTER XXVII.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CHAPTER XXIX.
CHAPTER XXX.
CHAPTER XXXI.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CHAPTER XXXV.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
CHAPTER XL.
CHAPTER XLI.
CHAPTER XLII.
CHAPTER XLIII.
CHAPTER XLIV.
CHAPTER XLV.
CHAPTER XLVI.
CHAPTER XLVII.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
CHAPTER XLIX.
CHAPTER L.
CHAPTER LI.
CHAPTER LII.
CHAPTER LIII.
CHAPTER LIV.
CHAPTER LV.
CHAPTER LVI.
CHAPTER LVII.
CHAPTER LVIII.
CHAPTER LIX.
CHAPTER LX.
CHAPTER LXI.
CHAPTER LXII.
CHAPTER LXIII.
CHAPTER LXIV.
CHAPTER LXV.
CHAPTER LXVI.
CHAPTER LXVII.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
CHAPTER LXIX.
CHAPTER LXX.
CHAPTER LXXI.
CHAPTER LXXII.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
CHAPTER LXXIV.
CHAPTER LXXV.
CHAPTER LXXVI.
CHAPTER LXXVII.
CHAPTER LXXVIII.
CHAPTER LXXIX.
CHAPTER LXXX.
CHAPTER LXXXI.
CHAPTER LXXXII.
CHAPTER LXXXIII.
CHAPTER LXXXIV.
CHAPTER LXXXV.
CHAPTER LXXXVI.
CHAPTER LXXXVII.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII.
CHAPTER LXXXIX.
CHAPTER XC.
CHAPTER XCI.
CHAPTER XCII.
CHAPTER XCIII.
CHAPTER XCIV.
CHAPTER XCV.
CHAPTER XCVI.
Preface.
When
we reflect upon the great celebrity of the "Life, Exploits, and
Adventures of that ingenious Gentleman, Don Quixote de la Mancha,"
and how his name has become quite proverbial amongst us, it seems
strange that so little should be known concerning the great man to
whose imagination we are indebted for so amusing and instructive a
tale. We cannot better introduce our present edition than by a short
sketch of his life, adding a few remarks on the work itself and the
present adapted reprint of it.The
obscurity we have alluded to is one which Cervantes shares with many
others, some of them the most illustrious authors which the world
ever produced. Homer, Hesiod,—names with which the mouths of men
have been familiar for centuries,—how little is now known of them!
And not only so, but how little was known of them even by those who
lived comparatively close upon their own time! How scattered and
unsatisfactory are the few particulars which we have of the life of
our own poet William Shakspere!Miguel
de Cervantes Saavedra was born at Alcala de Henares, a town of New
Castile, famous for its University, founded by Cardinal Ximenes. He
was of gentle birth, both on his father's and mother's side. Rodrigo
de Cervantes, his father, was descended from an ancient family of
Galicia, of which several branches were settled in some of the
principal cities of Spain. His mother's name was Leonora de Cortēnas.
We find by the parish register of Santa Maria la Mayor, at Alcala de
Henares, that Miguel was baptised in that church on Sunday, the 9th
of October, 1547; in which year we may conclude, therefore, that he
was born. The discovery of this baptismal register set at rest a
dispute which had for some time been going on between
seven different
cities, each of which claimed the honour of being the native place of
our author: these were, besides the one already mentioned, Seville,
Madrid, Esquivias, Toledo, Lucena, and Alcazar de San Juan. In this
respect we cannot avoid drawing a comparison between the fame of
Cervantes and the prince of poets, Homer.From
a child he discovered a great liking for books, which no doubt
determined his parents, whose fortune, notwithstanding their good
family, was any thing but affluent, to educate him for one of the
learned professions, by which alone at that time there was any chance
of getting wealth. Miguel, however, did not take to the strict
studies proposed to him: not that he was idle; his days were spent in
reading books of amusement, such as novels, romances, and poems. It
was of the materials afforded by such a pursuit that his fame was
afterwards built.Cervantes
continued at Madrid till he was in his twenty-first year, during
which time he remained with his learned tutor Juan Lopez de Hoyos. He
seems to have been a great favourite with him; for, in a collection
of "Luctus," published by Juan on the death of the Queen,
we find an elegy and a ballad contributed by the editor's "dear
and beloved disciple Miguel de Cervantes." Under the same
editorial care Cervantes himself tells us, in his
Viage de Parnasso,
that he published a pastoral poem of some length, called 'Filena,'
besides several ballads, sonnets, canzonets, and other small poems.Notwithstanding
the comparative insignificance of these productions, they probably
excited some little attention; for it appears not unlikely that it
was to them that Cervantes owed his appointment to an office, which
we find him holding, in 1569, at Rome,—that of chamberlain to his
eminence the Cardinal Julio Aquaviva, an ecclesiastic of considerable
learning. Such an appointment, however, did not suit the active
disposition and romantic turn of one so deeply read in the adventures
of the old knights, the glory of which he longed to share; from which
hope, however, the inactivity and monotony of a court-life could not
but exclude him.In
1571 there was concluded a famous league between Pope Pius V., Philip
II. of Spain, and the Venetian Republic, against Selim, the Grand
Turk, who was attacking Cyprus, then belonging to Venice. John of
Austria, natural son of the celebrated Emperor Charles V., and
brother of the king of Spain, was made commander-in-chief of the
allied forces, both naval and military; and under him, as general of
the Papal forces, was appointed Mario Antonio Colonna, Duke of
Paliano. It became fashionable for the young men of the time to
enlist in this expedition; and Cervantes, then about twenty-four
years of age, soon enrolled himself under the standard of the Roman
general. After various success on both sides, in which the operations
of the Christians were not a little hindered by the dissensions of
their commanders, to which the taking of Nicosia by the Turks may be
imputed, the first year's cruise ended with the famous battle of
Lepanto; after which the allied forces retired, and wintered at
Messina.Cervantes
was present at this famous victory, where he was wounded in the left
hand by a blow from a scymitar, or, as some assert, by a gunshot, so
severely, that he was obliged to have it amputated at the wrist
whilst in the hospital at Messina; but the operation was so
unskilfully performed, that he lost the use of the entire arm ever
afterwards. He was not discouraged by this wound, nor induced to give
up his profession as a soldier. Indeed, he seems, from his own words,
to be very proud of the honour which his loss conferred upon him. "My
wound," he says, "was received on the most glorious
occasion that any age, past or present, ever saw, or that the future
can ever hope to see. To those who barely behold them, indeed, my
wounds may not seem honourable; it is by those who know how I came by
them that they will be rightly esteemed. Better is it for a soldier
to die in battle than to save his life by running away. For my part I
had rather be again present, were it possible, in that famous battle,
than whole and sound without sharing ill the glory of it. The scars
which a soldier exhibits in his breast and face are stars to guide
others to the haven of honour and the love of just praise."The
year following the victory of Lepanto, Cervantes still continued with
the same fleet, and took part in several attacks on the coast of the
Morea. At the end of 1572, when the allied forces were disbanded,
Colonna returned to Rome, whither our author probably accompanied
him, since he tells us that he followed his "conquering
banners." He afterwards enlisted in the Neapolitan army of the
king of Spain, in which he remained for three years, though without
rising above the rank of a private soldier; but it must be remembered
that, at the time of which we are now speaking, such was the
condition of some of the noblest men of their country; it was
accounted no disgrace for even a scion of the nobility to fight as a
simple halberdier, or musqueteer, in the service of his prince.On
the 26th of September, 1575, Cervantes embarked on board a galley,
called the 'Sun,' and was sailing from Naples to Spain, when his ship
was attacked by some Moorish corsairs, and both he and all the rest
of the crew were taken prisoners, and carried off to Algiers. When
the Christians were divided amongst their captors, he fell to the lot
of the captain, the famous Arnauté Mami, an Albanian renegade, whose
atrocious cruelties are too disgusting to be mentioned. He seems to
have treated his captive with peculiar harshness, perhaps hoping that
by so doing he might render him the more impatient of his servitude,
and so induce him to pay a higher ransom, which the rank and
condition of his friends in Europe appeared to promise. In this state
Cervantes continued five years. Some have thought that in "the
captive's" tale, related in Don Quixote, we may collect the
particulars of his own fortunes whilst in Africa; but even granting
that some of the incidents may be the same, it is now generally
supposed that we shall be deceived if we regard them as any detailed
account of his captivity. A man of Cervantes' enterprise and
abilities was not likely to endure tamely the hardships of slavery;
and we accordingly find that he was constantly forming schemes for
escape. The last of these, which was the most bold and best contrived
of all, failed, because he had admitted a traitor to a share in his
project.There
was at Algiers a Venetian renegade, named Hassan Aga, a friend of
Arnauté Mami; he had risen high in the king's favour, and occupied
an important post in the government of Algiers. We have a description
of this man's ferocious character in Don Quixote, given us by the
Captain de Viedma. Cervantes was often sent by his master as
messenger to this man's house, situated on the sea-shore, at a short
distance from Algiers. One of Hassan's slaves, a native of Navarre,
and a Christian, had the management of the gardens of the villa; and
with him Cervantes soon formed an acquaintance, and succeeded in
persuading him to allow the making of a secret cave under the garden,
which would form a place of concealment for himself and fifteen of
his fellow captives, on whom he could rely. When the cavern was
finished, the adventurers made their escape by night from Algiers,
and took up their quarters in it. Of course an alarm was raised when
they were missing; but, although a most strict search after the
fugitives was made, both by their masters and by Ochali, then despot
of Algiers, here they lay hid for several months, being supplied with
food by the gardener and another Christian slave, named El Dorador.One
of their companions, named Viana, a gentleman of Minorca, had been
left behind them, so that he might bear a more active part in the
escape of the whole party. A sum of money was to be raised for his
ransom, and then he was to go to Europe and return with a ship in
which Cervantes and his friends, including the gardener and El
Dorador, were to embark on an appointed night, and so get back to
their country. Viana obtained his liberty in September 1577, and
having reached Minorca in safety, he easily procured a ship and came
off the coast of Barbary, according to the pre-concerted plan; but
before he could land, he was seen by the Moorish sentry, who raised
an alarm and obliged him to put out to sea again, lest he should by
coming too close attract attention to the cavern. This was a sore
disappointment to Cervantes and his companions, who witnessed it all
from their retreat. Still knowing Viana's courage and constancy, they
had yet hopes of his returning and again endeavouring to get them
off. And this he most probably would have done had it not been for
the treachery at which we hinted above. El Dorador just at this time
thought fit to turn renegade; and of course he could not begin his
infidel career better than by infamously betraying his former
friends. In consequence of his information Hassan Aga surrounded the
entrance to the cave with a sufficient force to make any attempt at
resistance utterly unavailing, and the sixteen poor prisoners were
dragged out and conveyed in chains to Algiers. The former attempts
which he made to escape caused Cervantes to be instantly fixed on as
the contriver and ringleader of this plot; and therefore, whilst the
other fifteen were sent back to their masters to be punished as they
thought fit, he was detained by the king himself, who hoped through
him to obtain further information, and so implicate the other
Christians, and perhaps also some of the renegades. Even had he
possessed any such information, which most likely he did not,
Cervantes was certainly the very last man to give it: notwithstanding
various examinations and threats, he still persisted in asserting
that he was the sole contriver of the plot, till at length, by his
firmness, he fairly exhausted the patience of Ochali. Had Hassan had
his way, Cervantes would have been strangled as an example to all
Christians who should hereafter try to run away from their captivity,
and the king himself was not unwilling to please him in this matter;
but then he was not their property, and Mami, to whom he belonged,
would not consent to lose a slave whom he considered to be worth at
least two hundred crowns. Thus did the avarice of a renegade save the
future author of Don Quixote from being strangled with the bowstring.
Some of the particulars of this affair are given us by Cervantes
himself; but others are collected from Father Haedo, the contemporary
author of a history of Barbary. "Most wonderful thing,"
says the worthy priest, "that some of these gentlemen remained
shut up in the cavern for five, six, even for seven months, without
even so much as seeing the light of day; and all the time they were
sustained only by Miguel de Cervantes, and that too at the great and
continual risk of his own life; no less than four times did he incur
the nearest danger of being burnt alive, impaled, or strangled, on
account of the bold things which he dared in hopes of bestowing
liberty upon many. Had his fortune corresponded to his spirit, skill,
and industry, Algiers might at this day have been in the possession
of the Christians, for his designs aspired to no less lofty a
consummation. In the end, the whole affair was treacherously
discovered; and the gardener, after being tortured and picketed,
perished miserably. But, in truth, of the things which happened in
that cave during the seven months that it was inhabited by these
Christians, and altogether of the captivity and various enterprises
of Miguel de Cervantes, a particular history might easily be formed.
Hassan Aga was wont to say that, 'could
he but be sure of that handless Spaniard,
he should consider captives, barks, and the whole city of Algiers in
perfect safety.'"And
Ochali seems to have been of the same opinion; for he did not
consider it safe to leave so dangerous a character as Cervantes in
private hands, and so we accordingly find that he himself bought him
of Mami, and then kept him closely confined in a dungeon in his own
palace, with the utmost cruelty. It is probable, however, that the
extreme hardship of Cervantes' case did really contribute to his
liberation. He found means of applying to Spain for his redemption;
and in consequence his mother and sister (the former of whom had now
become a widow, and the latter, Donna Andrea de Cervantes, was
married to a Florentine gentleman named Ambrosio) raised the sum of
two hundred and fifty crowns, to which a friend of the family, one
Francisco Caramambel, contributed fifty more. This sum was paid into
the hands of Father Juan Gil and Father Antonio de la Vella
Trinitarios, brethren of the 'Society for the Redemption of
Slaves,'[1]
who immediately set to work to ransom Cervantes. His case was,
however, a hard one; for the king asked a thousand crowns for his
freedom; and the negotiation on this head caused a long delay, but
was at last brought to an issue by the abatement of the ransom to the
sum of five hundred crowns; the two hundred still wanting were made
up by the good fathers, the king threatening that if the bargain were
not concluded, Cervantes should be carried off to Constantinople; and
he was actually on board the galley for that purpose. So by borrowing
some part of the required amount, and by taking the remainder from
what was originally intrusted for the ransoming of other slaves,
these worthy men procured our author his liberty, and restored him to
Spain in the spring of 1581.[1]
Societies of this description, though not so common as in Spain,
existed also in other countries. In England, since the Reformation,
money bequeathed for this purpose was placed in the hands of some of
the large London companies or guilds. Since the destruction of
Algiers, by Lord Exmouth, and still later since the abolition of that
piratical kingdom by the French, such charitable bequests, having
become useless for their original purpose, have in some instances
been devoted to the promotion of education by a decree of Chancery.
This is the case with a large sum, usually known as 'Betton's gift,'
in the trusteeship of the Ironmongers' Company.On
his return to his native land the prospects of Cervantes were not
very flattering. He was now thirty-four years of age, and had spent
the best portion of his life without making any approach towards
eminence or even towards acquiring the means of subsistence; his
adventures, enterprises, and sufferings had, indeed, furnished him
with a stock from which in after years his powerful mind drew largely
in his writings; but since he did not at first devote himself to
literary pursuits, at least not to those of an author, they could not
afford him much consolation; and as to a military career, his wound
and long captivity seemed to exclude him from all hope in that
quarter. His family was poor, their scanty means having suffered from
the sum raised for his ransom; and his connexions and friends were
powerless to procure him any appointment at the court. He went to
live at Madrid, where his mother and sister then resided, and there
once more betook himself to the pursuit of his younger days. He shut
himself up, and eagerly employed his time in reading every kind of
books; Latin, Spanish, and Italian authors—all served to contribute
to his various erudition.Three
whole years were thus spent; till at length he turned his reading to
some account, by publishing, in 1584, a pastoral novel entitled
Galatæa. Some
authors, amongst whom is Pellicer, are inclined to think that
dramatic composition was the first in which he appeared before the
public; but such an opinion has, by competent judges, been now
abandoned. Galatæa, which is interspersed with songs and verses, is
a work of considerable merit, quite sufficient, indeed, though of
course inferior to Don Quixote, to have gained for its author a high
standing amongst Spanish writers; though in it we discern nothing of
that peculiar style which has made Cervantes one of the most
remarkable writers that ever lived,—that insight into human
character, and that vein of humour with which he exposes and
satirises its failings. It being so full of short metrical effusions
would almost incline us to believe that it was written for the
purpose of embodying the varied contents of a sort of poetical
commonplace-book; some of which had, perhaps, been written when he
was a youth under the tuition of his learned preceptor Juan Lopez de
Hoyos; others may have been the pencillings of the weary hours of his
long captivity in Africa. As a specimen of his power in the Spanish
language it is quite worthy of him who in after years immortalised
that tongue by the romance of Don Quixote. It had been better for
Cervantes had he gone on in this sort of fictitious composition,
instead of betaking himself to the drama, in which he had very
formidable rivals, and for which, as was afterwards proved, his
talents were less adapted.On
the 12th of December in the same year that his Galatæa was
published, Cervantes married, at Esquivias, a young lady who was of
one of the first families of that place, and whose charms had
furnished the chief subject of his amatory poems; she was named Donna
Catalina de Salazar y Palacios y Vozmediano. Her fortune was but
small, and only served to keep Cervantes for some few months in
idleness; when his difficulties began to harass him again, and found
him as a married man less able to meet them. He then betook himself
to the drama, at which he laboured for several years, though with
very indifferent success. He wrote, in all, it is said thirty
comedies; but of these only eight remain, judging from the merits of
which, we do not seem to have sustained any great loss in the others
not having reached us.It
may appear strange at first that one who possessed such a wonderful
power of description and delineation of character as did Cervantes,
should not have been more successful in dramatic writing; but,
whatever may be the cause, certain it is that his case does not stand
alone. Men who have manifested the very highest abilities as
romance-writers, have, if not entirely failed, at least not been
remarkably successful, as composers of the drama; and of our own
time, who so great a delineator of character, or so happy in his
incidents, or so stirring in his plots, as the immortal Author of
Waverley? Yet the few specimens of dramatic composition which he has
left us, only serve to shew that, when
Waverley,
Guy Mannering,
Ivanhoe, and the
rest of his romances are the delight of succeeding generations,
Halidon Hill and
the House of Aspen
will, with the
Numancia Vengada of
the author of Don Quixote, be buried in comparative oblivion.In
1588 Cervantes left Madrid, and settled at Seville, where, as he
himself tells us, "he found something better to do than writing
comedies." This "something better" was probably an
appointment in some mercantile business; for we know that one of the
principal branches of his family were very opulent merchants at
Seville at that time, and through them he might obtain some means of
subsistence less precarious than that which depended upon selling his
comedies for a few "reals." Besides, two of the
Cervantes-Saavedra of Seville were themselves amateur poets, and
likely therefore to regard the more favourably their poor relation,
Miguel of Alcala de Henares, to whom they would gladly intrust the
management of some part of their mercantile affairs. The change,
however, of life did not prevent Cervantes from still cultivating his
old passion for literature; and we accordingly find his name as one
of the prize-bearers for a series of poems which the Dominicans of
Saragoza, in 1595, proposed to be written in praise of St.
Hyacinthus; one of the prizes was adjudged to "Miguel Cervantes
Saavedra of Seville."In
1596 we find two short poetical pieces of Cervantes written upon the
occasion of the gentlemen of Seville having taken arms, and prepared
to deliver themselves and the city of Cadiz from the power of the
English, who, under the famous Earl of Essex, had made a descent upon
the Spanish coast, and destroyed the shipping intended for a second
armada for the invasion of England. In 1598 Philip II. died; and
Cervantes wrote a sonnet, which he then considered the best of his
literary productions, upon a majestic tomb, of enormous height, to
celebrate the funeral of that monarch. On the day that Philip was
buried, a serious quarrel happened between the civil and
ecclesiastical authorities of Seville; and Cervantes was mixed up in
it, and was in some trouble for having dared to manifest his
disapprobation by hissing at some part of their proceedings, but we
are not told what.In
1599 Cervantes went to Toledo, which is remarkable as being the place
where he pretended to discover the original manuscript of Don
Quixote, by the Arabian Cid Hamet Benengeli. It was about this time,
too, that he resided in La Mancha, where he projected and executed
part, at least, of his immortal romance of Don Quixote, and where he
also laid the scene of that "ingenious gentleman's"
adventures. It seems likely that, whatever may have been Cervantes'
employment at Seville, it involved frequent travelling; and this may
account for the very accurate knowledge which he displays of the
different districts which he describes in his tale; for it is certain
that the earlier part of his life could have afforded him no means of
acquiring such information. Some have thought also that he was
occasionally employed on government business, and that it was whilst
on some commission of this sort that he was ill-treated by the people
of La Mancha, and thrown into prison by them at Argasamilla. Whatever
may have been the cause of his imprisonment, he himself tells us in
the prologue to Don Quixote, that the first part of that work was
composed in a jail.But
for fifteen years of Cervantes' life, from 1588 to 1603, we know but
very little of his pursuits; the notices we have of him during that
time are very few and unsatisfactory; and this is the more to be
regretted because it certainly was then that his great work was
conceived, and in part executed. Soon after the accession of Philip
the Third, he removed from Seville to Valladolid, probably for the
sake of being near the court of that monarch, who, though remarkable
for his indolence, yet professed himself the patron of letters. It
was whilst living here that the first part of Don Quixote was
published, but not at Valladolid; it appeared at Madrid, either at
the end of 1604, or, at the latest, in 1605.The
records of the magistracy of Valladolid afford us some curious
particulars of our author's mode of life about the time of the
publication of Don Quixote. He was brought before the court of
justice, on suspicion of having been concerned in a nightly brawl and
murder, though he really had no share in it. A Spanish gentleman,
named Don Gaspar Garibay, was stabbed about midnight near the house
of Cervantes. When the alarm was raised, he was amongst the first to
run out and proffer every assistance in his power to the wounded man.
The neighbourhood was not very respectable, and this gave rise to our
author's subsequent trouble in the matter; for it was suspected that
the ladies of his household were, from the place where they lived,
persons of bad reputation, and that he himself had, in some shameful
affray, dealt the murderous blow with his own hand. He and all his
family were, in consequence, directly arrested, and only got at
liberty after undergoing a very minute and rigid examination. The
records of the court tell us that Cervantes asserted that he was
residing at Valladolid for purposes of business; that, by reason of
his literary pursuits and reputation, he was frequently honoured by
visits from gentlemen of the royal household and learned men of the
university; and, moreover, that he was living in great poverty; for
we are told that he, his wife, and his two sisters, one of whom was a
nun, and his niece, were living in a scanty and mean lodging on the
fourth floor of a poor-looking house, and amongst them all had only
one maid-servant. He stated his age to be upwards of fifty, though we
know that, if born in 1547, he must in fact have nearly, or quite
completed his fifty-seventh year at this time. In such obscurity,
then, was the immortal author of Don Quixote living at the time of
its publication.The
First Part of this famous romance was dedicated to Don Alonzo Lopez
de Zuniga, Duke of Bexar or Bejar, who at this time affected the
character of a Mecænas; whose conduct, however, towards Cervantes
was not marked by a generosity suited to his rank, nor according to
his profession, nor at all corresponding to the merits and wants of
the author. But the book needed no patron; it must make its own way,
and it did so. It was read immediately in court and city, by old and
young, learned and unlearned, and by all with equal delight; "it
went forth with the universal applause of all nations." Four
editions (and in the seventeenth century, when so few persons
comparatively could read, that was equivalent to more than double the
number at the present time)—four editions were published and sold
in one year.The
profits from the sale of Don Quixote must have been very
considerable; and they, together with the remains of his paternal
estates, and the pensions from the count and the cardinal, enabled
Cervantes to live in ease and comfort. Ten years elapsed before he
sent any new work to the press; which time was passed in study, and
in attending to his pecuniary affairs. Though Madrid was now his
fixed abode, we often find him at Esquivias, where he probably went
to enjoy the quiet and repose of the village, and to look after the
property which he there possessed as his wife's dowry.In
1613 he published his twelve
Novelas Exemplares,
or 'Exemplary Novels,' with a dedication to his patron the Count de
Lemos. He called them "exemplary," because, as he tells us,
his other novels had been censured as more satirical than exemplary;
which fault he determined to amend in these; and therefore each of
them contains interwoven in it some error to be avoided, or some
virtue to be practised. He asserts that they were entirely his own
invention, not borrowed or copied from any other works of the same
sort, nor translated from any other language, as was the case with
most of the novels which his countrymen had published hitherto. But,
notwithstanding this, we cannot fail to remark a strong resemblance
in them to the tales of Boccaccio; still they are most excellent in
their way, and have always been favourites with the Spanish youth for
their interest and pure morality, and their ease and manliness of
style. The titles of these novels are,
The Little Gipsey,
The Generous Lover,
Rinconete and Cortadillo,
The Spanish-English Lady,
The Glass Doctor,
The Force of Blood,
The Jealous Estremaduran,
The Illustrious Servant-Maid,
The Two Damsels,
The Lady Cornelia Bentivoglio,
The Deceitful Marriage,
and The Dialogue of
the Dogs. They have
all been translated into English, and are probably not unknown to
some of our readers.The
next year Cervantes published another small work, entitled the
Viage de Parnasso,
or 'A Journey to Parnassus,' which is a playful satire upon the
Spanish poets, after the manner of Cæsar Caporali's upon the Italian
poets under a similar title. It is a good picture of the Spanish
literature of his day, and one of the most powerful of his poetical
works. It is full of satire, though not ill-natured, and there was no
man of genius of the time who would complain of being too harshly
treated in it. Cervantes introduces himself as the oldest and poorest
of all the poetical fraternity, "the naked Adam of Spanish
poets." The plot of the poem is as follows:—Apollo wishes to
rid Parnassus of the bad poets, and to that end he calls together all
the others by a message through Mercury. When all assembled, he leads
them into a rich garden of Parnassus, and assigns to each the place
which corresponds to his merits. Poor Cervantes alone does not obtain
this distinction, and remains without being noticed in the presence
of the rest, before whom all the works he has ever published are
displayed. In vain does he urge his love for literature, and the
troubles which he had endured for its sake; no seat can he get. At
last Apollo, in compassion upon him, advises him to fold up his
cloak, and to make that his seat; but, alas, so poor is he that he
does not possess such a thing, and so he is obliged to remain
standing in spite of his age, his talents, and the opinion of many
who know and confess the honour and position which is his due. The
vessel in which this 'Journey to Parnassus' is performed is described
in a way quite worthy of Cervantes: "From topmast to keel it was
all of verse; not one foot of prose was there in it. The airy
railings which fenced the deck were all of double-rhymes. Ballads, an
impudent but necessary race, occupied the rowing-benches; and
rightly, for there is nothing to which they may not be turned. The
poop was grand and gay, but somewhat strange in its style, being
stuck all over with sonnets of the richest workmanship. The
stroke-oars on either side were pulled by two vigorous triplets,
which regulated the motion of the vessel in a way both easy and
powerful. The gangway was one long and most melancholy elegy, from
which tears were continually dropping."The
publication of a shameful imitation, pretending to be a Second Part
of the Adventures of Don Quixote accelerated the production of
Cervantes' own Second Part; which accordingly made its appearance at
the beginning of 1615. Contrary to common experience, this Second
Part was received, and deservedly, with as great applause as was the
First Part ten years before.Cervantes
had now but a few more months to live; and it must, in his declining
years, have been a great consolation to find that the efforts of his
genius were still appreciated by his countrymen; not to mention the
relief from pecuniary embarrassments which the profits of the sale
must have afforded him. Cervantes was now at the height to which his
ambition had all along aimed; he had no rival; for Lope de Vega was
dead, and the literary kingdom of Spain was all his own. He was
courted by the great; no strangers came to Madrid without making the
writer of Don Quixote the first object of their inquiry; he reposed
in honour, free from all calumny, in the bosom of his family.This
same year he published eight comedies, and the same number of
interludes; two only in verse, the rest in prose. It does not seem
likely that these were written at this time; they must have been the
works of his earlier years; but, like his novels, corrected and given
to the public when his judgment was more mature. Several of them had,
no doubt, been performed on the stage many years before, and remained
with Cervantes in manuscript. The dissertation which he prefixed to
them is full of interest, and is very curious and valuable, since it
contains the only account we have of the early history of the Spanish
drama.In
1616, he completed and prepared for the press a romance entitled
Persiles and Sigismunda,
of a grave character, written in imitation of the
Ethiopics of
Heliodorus; it was the work of many years, and is accounted by the
Spaniards one of the purest specimens of Castilian writing. He
finished it just before his death, but never lived to see it
published. The dedication and prologue of Persiles and Sigismunda are
very affecting; they are the voice of a dying man speaking to us of
his approaching dissolution.From
the nature of his complaint, Cervantes retained his mental faculties
to the very last, and so was able to be the historian of his latter
days. At the end of the preface to
Persiles, he tells
us that he had gone for a few days to Esquivias, in hopes that
country air might be beneficial to him. On his return to Madrid, he
was accompanied by his friends, when a young student on horseback
overtook them, riding very hard to do so, and complaining in
consequence of the rapid pace at which they were going. One of the
three made answer that it was no fault of theirs, but that the horse
of Miguel de Cervantes was to be blamed, whose trot was none of the
slowest. Scarcely had the name been pronounced, when the young man
dismounted; and touching the border of Cervantes' left sleeve,
exclaimed, "Yes, yes, it is indeed the maimed perfection, the
all-famous, the delightful writer, the joy and darling of the Muses."
This salutation was returned with Cervantes' natural modesty; and the
worthy student performed the rest of the journey with him and his
friends. "We drew up a little," says Cervantes, "and
rode on at a measured pace; and whilst we rode, we happened to talk
of my illness. The good student soon knocked away all my hopes, and
let me know my doom, by telling me that it was a dropsy that I had
got: the thirst attending which, not all the waters of the ocean,
though it were not salt, could suffice to quench. 'Therefore, Senor
Cervantes,' said he, 'you must drink nothing at all, but forget not
to eat, and to eat plentifully; that alone will recover you without
any physic.' 'Others have told me the same,' answered I; 'but I can
no more forbear drinking, than if I had been born to nothing else. My
life is fast drawing to a close; and from the state of my pulse, I
think I can scarcely outlive Sunday next at the utmost; so that I
hardly think I shall profit by the acquaintance so fortunately made.
But adieu, my merry friends all; for I am going to die; and I hope to
see you again ere long in the next world as happy as hearts can
desire.' With that, we found ourselves at the bridge of Toledo, by
which we entered the city; and the student took leave of us, having
to go round by the bridge of Segovia."This
is all that we know of the last sickness of Cervantes: it was dropsy,
and this dropsy, according to his own prediction to the student,
increased so rapidly, that a few days after, on the 18th of April,
1616, he was considered to be past recovery, and it was thought
advisable for him to receive the last sacrament of extreme unction,
which he accordingly did with all the devotion of a pious Catholic.He
died on the 23d day of April, 1616, in the sixty-ninth year of his
age; and was buried in the habit of the Franciscans, whose order he
had entered some time previous to his decease. It is a coincidence
worth remembering, that
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra
terminated his mortal course in Spain on the very same day that
William Shakspere
died in England.As
regards style of composition, Cervantes is without a rival in the
Spanish language. For the purity of his writing, he is even to this
day acknowledged, not only to be first, but to have no one who can
come near enough to be called second to him. But this is not his
greatest praise. He must ever be remembered as the originator of a
kind of writing, which the greatest of men since his time have
thought it an honour, of whatever country they may have been, to
imitate. All modern romance-writers, and novel-writers (and what a
mighty host are they!) must be content to be accounted the followers
of Miguel de Cervantes.With
regard to Don
Quixote, it need
hardly be said that its object is satire upon the books of
knight-errantry, which were so much used in the time of Cervantes,
and especially by the Spanish. He conceived that these books were
likely to give his countrymen false ideas of the world; to fill them
all, but especially the young, with fanciful notions of life, and so
make them unfit to meet its real difficulties and hardships. In order
to exhibit the absurdity of such works (it must be remembered too,
that the more famous books of knighthood had given rise to a host of
spurious imitations, with all their faults and none of their
beauties), the author of Don Quixote represents a worthy gentleman
with his head turned by such reading, and then sallying forth and
endeavouring to act in this plain matter-of-fact world (where there
are windmills, and not giants—inns, and not castles—good honest
hosts and hostesses, and not lords and ladies—chambermaids, and not
peerless beauties—estates to be got by hard labour, and not islands
to be given away to one's dependants as if by enchantment),
endeavouring to act, we say, as if all that was said in
Amadis de Gaul, and
Palmerin of England,
and Olivante de
Laura, were really
true. The absurdities into which the poor gentleman's madness
constantly hurries him, the stern and bitter satire which is conveyed
in these against the books which caused them all, did more towards
putting down the extravagances of knight-errantry than many volumes
of the bitterest invective. We of this present day cannot be really
alive to all the great genius displayed in Don Quixote. The books
which it satirises are now almost unknown; many who have heard of
Amadis de Gaul have never read it, and still less have they read all
the lineage of the Amadis. Besides, in some of the first of the
chivalrous romances, such as Palmerin of England, the
Morte d'Arthur, and
others, there was undoubtedly very much talent and beauty of
sentiment: and it was as such that Southey thought it right to
translate them and present them to the English public some years ago;
and deeply indebted are we all to him for his labours, which revived
among us somewhat of the taste for the old and stately prose of the
ancient romances—a taste which in our day has given rise to those
beautiful editions in English of the tales of De la Motte Fouqué.
But we must ever remember that it was not for the purpose of
ridiculing those and similar books that Cervantes wrote his
"history"—one so keenly alive to the beauty of the poetry
of the mediæval writing as he was, never could have intended such a
thing: it was to exterminate the race of miserable imitators, who, at
his time, deluged Europe with sickening caricatures of the old
romance. It has even been thought that he had intended another course
in order to cure the disease, namely, that of himself composing a
model romance in the style of Amadis, which, from its excellence,
would make manifest the follies of men who had endeavoured to imitate
that almost inimitable work. But the disease was past cure; the limb
was obliged to be amputated; books of knight-errantry could not be
reformed, he thought; and so rather than let them continue their
mischief in their present shape, they must be quite destroyed; and
this the satire of Don Quixote was by its author considered the most
proper means of effecting.This
was indeed a daring remedy; and, as may be supposed, by some it has
been thought that Cervantes, in lopping off an excrescence, did also
destroy a healthy limb,—that, in destroying knight-errantry, he
destroyed also the holy spirit of self-devotion and heroism. The
Count Ségur, we are told by an ingenious writer of the present
time,[2]
who joins the Count in his opinion, laments that the fine spirit of
chivalry should have lost its empire, and that the romance of Don
Quixote, by its success and its philosophy, concealed under an
attractive fiction, should have completed the ruin by fixing ridicule
even upon its memory—a sentence indeed full of error; for real
philosophy needs not to be concealed to be attractive. And Sir
William Temple quotes the saying of a worthy Spaniard, who told him
"that the History of Don Quixote had ruined the Spanish
monarchy; for since that time men had grown ashamed of honour and
love, and only thought of pursuing their fortune and satisfying their
lust."[2]
Kenelm Digby, Esq., in his beautiful book entitled
Godefridus, one of
the volumes of the
Broad Stone of Honour.But
surely such censure is misdirected—surely the downfall of Spain may
be traced to other causes. It is not the spirit of heroism, or of
Christian self-devotion, which Cervantes would put down. His manly
writing can never be accused of that: misfortune had taught him too
well in his own earlier days how to appreciate such a virtue. In
nothing is his consummate skill perceived more than in the way in
which he prevents us from confounding the follies of the
knights-errant, and of the debased books of romance, with the
generous heart and actions of the true Christian gentleman. In spite
of all his hallucination, who can help respecting Don Quixote
himself? We laugh, indeed, at the ludicrous situations into which his
madness is for ever getting him; but we must reverence the good
Christian cavalier who, amidst all, never thinks less of any thing
than of himself and of his own interest. What is his character? It is
that of one possessing virtue, imagination, genius, kind feeling,—all
that can distinguish an elevated soul, and an affectionate heart. He
is brave, faithful, loyal, always keeping his word; he contends only
for virtue and glory. Does he wish for kingdoms? it is only that he
may give them to his good squire Sancho Panza. He is a constant
lover, a humane warrior, an affectionate master, an accomplished
gentleman. It is not, then, by describing such a man that Cervantes
desired to ridicule real heroism; surely not: he would only shew
that, even with all these good qualities, if they were misdirected or
spoiled by vain imaginations, the most noble could only become
ridiculous. He would teach us, that this is a world of
action, and not of
fancy; that it will
not do for us to go out of ourselves and out of the world, and lead
an ideal life: our duties are around us and within us; and we need
not leave our own homes in order to seek adventures wherein those
duties may be acceptably performed. He perceived that by
knight-errantry and romances some of the holiest aspirations of the
human heart were, according to the adage, which affirms that "there
is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous," by
over-description and fulsome language, in danger of being exposed to
ridicule, and so of being crushed; and he resolved, by excess of
satire, to put a stop at once to such a danger,—to crush those
books which were daily destroying that which he held most dear—the
true spirit of chivalry, the true devotion of the Christian
gentleman. "When the light of chivalry was expiring, Cervantes
put his extinguisher upon it, and drove away the moths that alone
still fluttered around it. He loved chivalry too well to be patient
when he saw it parodied and burlesqued; and he perceived that the
best way of preserving it from shame was, to throw over it the
sanctity of death."[3][3]
Vide Guesses at
Truth.With
respect to the present edition, little need be said beyond what the
title-page itself implies. With what degree of judgment the "cumbrous
matter" has been removed, must be left to the public to
determine. The Editor may, however, say, that the task which he at
first undertook with some trepidation, gradually assumed an easier
and more pleasant aspect; and he may add, that the result has been
such as to satisfy himself of the success of the experiment. He
trusts that he has placed in the hands of the mass of our reading
population, and especially of the youth of England, an edition of
Cervantes' immortal work, in a convenient, but yet not too condensed
form—retaining all the point, humour, and pathos of the original,
without any of the prolixity, or the improprieties of expression,
which have heretofore disfigured it. The judgment passed upon one of
the books in our hero's library by his inquisitorial friends may well
be applied to his own work: "Had there been less of it, it would
have been more esteemed. 'Tis fit the book should be pruned and
cleared of some inferior things that encumber and deform it: keep it,
however," &c.—(Page
23.)It
only remains to add, that the excellent translation of Motteux has
been principally adhered to in the present edition.NOTES.The
holy brotherhood.—Most
readers would suppose at first sight that the Inquisition is meant by
this term, which occurs so often in the work; it is not so, however.
The "holy brotherhood" alluded to was simply an association
for the prevention of robberies and murders in the less frequented
parts of Spain.Mambrino's
helmet.—Orlando
Furioso must be referred to for the history of this enchanted and
invulnerable headpiece, which is several times alluded to in Don
Quixote.
CHAPTER I.
The
quality and way of living of Don Quixote.IN
a certain village in La Mancha, in the kingdom of Arragon, of which I
cannot remember the name, there lived not long ago one of those
old-fashioned gentlemen, who are never without a lance upon a rack,
an old target, a lean horse, and a greyhound. His diet consisted more
of beef than mutton; and, with minced meat on most nights, lentiles
on Fridays, and a pigeon extraordinary on Sundays, he consumed three
quarters of his revenue; the rest was laid out in a plush coat,
velvet breeches, with slippers of the same, for holydays; and a suit
of the very best homespun cloth, which he bestowed on himself for
working-days. His whole family was a housekeeper something turned of
forty, a niece not twenty, and a man that served him in the house and
in the field, and could saddle a horse, and handle the pruning-hook.
The master himself was nigh fifty years of age, of a hale and strong
complexion, lean-bodied and thin-faced, an early riser, and a lover
of hunting. Some say his sirname was Quixada, or Quesada (for authors
differ in this particular); however, we may reasonably conjecture, he
was called Quixada (i.e.
lantern-jaws), though this concerns us but little, provided we keep
strictly to the truth in every point of this history.Be
it known, then, that when our gentleman had nothing to do (which was
almost all the year round), he passed his time in reading books of
knight-errantry, which he did with that application and delight, that
at last he in a manner wholly left off his country sports, and even
the care of his estate; nay, he grew so strangely enamoured of these
amusements, that he sold many acres of land to purchase books of that
kind, by which means he collected as many of them as he could; but
none pleased him like the works of the famous Feliciano de Sylva; for
the brilliancy of his prose, and those intricate expressions with
which it is interlaced seemed to him so many pearls of eloquence,
especially when he came to read the love-addresses and challenges;
many of them in this extraordinary style. "The reason of your
unreasonable usage of my reason, does so enfeeble my reason, that I
have reason to expostulate with your beauty." And this, "The
sublime heavens, which with your divinity divinely fortify you with
the stars, and fix you the deserver of the desert that is deserved by
your grandeur." These, and such-like rhapsodies, strangely
puzzled the poor gentleman's understanding, while he was racking his
brain to unravel their meaning, which Aristotle himself could never
have found, though he should have been raised from the dead for that
very purpose.He
did not so well like those dreadful wounds which Don Belianis gave
and received; for he considered that all the art of surgery could
never secure his face and body from being strangely disfigured with
scars. However, he highly commended the author for concluding his
book with a promise to finish that unfinishable adventure; and many
times he had a desire to put pen to paper, and faithfully and
literally finish it himself; which he had certainly done, and
doubtless with good success, had not his thoughts been wholly
engrossed in much more important designs.He
would often dispute with the curate of the parish, a man of learning,
that had taken his degrees at Giguenza, as to which was the better
knight, Palmerin of England, or Amadis de Gaul; but Master Nicholas,
the barber of the same town, would say, that none of them could
compare with the Knight of the Sun; and that if any one came near
him, it was certainly Don Galaor, the brother of Amadis de Gaul; for
he was a man of a most commodious temper, neither was he so finical,
nor such a whining lover, as his brother; and as for courage, he was
not a jot behind him.In
fine, he gave himself up so wholly to the reading of romances, that
at night he would pore on until it was day, and would read on all day
until it was night; and thus a world of extraordinary notions, picked
out of his books, crowded into his imagination; now his head was full
of nothing but enchantments, quarrels, battles, challenges, wounds,
complaints, love-passages, torments, and abundance of absurd
impossibilities; insomuch that all the fables and fantastical tales
which he read seemed to him now as true as the most authentic
histories. He would say, that the Cid Ruydiaz was a very brave
knight, but not worthy to stand in competition with the Knight of the
Burning Sword, who, with a single back-stroke had cut in sunder two
fierce and mighty giants. He liked yet better Bernardo del Carpio,
who, at Roncesvalles, deprived of life the enchanted Orlando, having
lifted him from the ground, and choked him in the air, as Hercules
did Antæus, the son of the Earth.As
for the giant Morgante, he always spoke very civil things of him; for
among that monstrous brood, who were ever intolerably proud and
insolent, he alone behaved himself like a civil and well-bred person.But
of all men in the world he admired Rinaldo of Montalban, and
particularly his carrying away the idol of Mahomet, which was all
massy gold, as the history says; while he so hated that traitor
Galalon, that for the pleasure of kicking him handsomely, he would
have given up his housekeeper, nay and his niece into the bargain.Having
thus confused his understanding, he unluckily stumbled upon the
oddest fancy that ever entered into a madman's brain; for now he
thought it convenient and necessary, as well for the increase of his
own honour, as the service of the public, to turn knight-errant, and
roam through the whole world, armed cap-a-pie, and mounted on his
steed, in quest of adventures; that thus imitating those
knight-errants of whom he had read, and following their course of
life, redressing all manner of grievances, and exposing himself to
danger on all occasions, at last, after a happy conclusion of his
enterprises, he might purchase everlasting honour and renown.The
first thing he did was to scour a suit of armour that had belonged to
his great grandfather, and had lain time out of mind carelessly
rusting in a corner; but when he had cleaned and repaired it as well
as he could, he perceived there was a material piece wanting; for,
instead of a complete helmet, there was only a single head-piece.
However, his industry supplied that defect; for with some pasteboard
he made a kind of half-beaver, or vizor, which, being fitted to the
head-piece, made it look like an entire helmet. Then, to know whether
it were cutlass-proof, he drew his sword, and tried its edge upon the
pasteboard vizor; but with the very first stroke he unluckily undid
in a moment what he had been a whole week in doing. He did not like
its being broke with so much ease, and therefore, to secure it from
the like accident, he made it a-new, and fenced it with thin plates
of iron, which he fixed on the inside of it so artificially, that at
last he had reason to be satisfied with the solidity of the work; and
so, without any farther experiment, he resolved it should pass to all
intents and purposes for a full and sufficient helmet.The
next moment he went to view his horse, whose bones stuck out like the
corners of a Spanish real, being a worse jade than Gonela's,
qui tantum pellis etossa fuit;
however, his master thought that neither Alexander's Bucephalus nor
the Cid's Babieca could be compared with him. He was four days
considering what name to give him; for, as he argued with himself,
there was no reason that a horse bestrid by so famous a knight, and
withal so excellent in himself, should not be distinguished by a
particular name; so, after many names which he devised, rejected,
changed, liked, disliked, and pitched upon again, he concluded to
call him Rozinante.Having
thus given his horse a name, he thought of choosing one for himself;
and having seriously pondered on the matter eight whole days more, at
last he determined to call himself Don Quixote. Whence the author of
this history draws this inference, that his right name was Quixada,
and not Quesada, as others obstinately pretend. And observing, that
the valiant Amadis, not satisfied with the bare appellation of
Amadis, added to it the name of his country, that it might grow more
famous by his exploits, and so styled himself Amadis de Gaul; so he,
like a true lover of his native soil, resolved to call himself Don
Quixote de la Mancha; which addition, to his thinking, denoted very
plainly his parentage and country, and consequently would fix a
lasting honour on that part of the world.And
now, his armour being scoured, his head-piece improved to a helmet,
his horse and himself new-named, he perceived he wanted nothing but a
lady, on whom he might bestow the empire of his heart; for he was
sensible that a knight-errant without a mistress was a tree without
either fruit or leaves, and a body without a soul. "Should I,"
said he to himself, "by good or ill fortune, chance to encounter
some giant, as it is common in knight-errantry, and happen to lay him
prostrate on the ground, transfixed with my lance, or cleft in two,
or, in short, overcome him, and have him at my mercy, would it not be
proper to have some lady to whom I may send him as a trophy of my
valour? Then when he comes into her presence, throwing himself at her
feet, he may thus make his humble submission: 'Lady, I am the giant
Caraculiambro, lord of the island of Malindrania, vanquished in
single combat by that never-deservedly-enough-extolled knight-errant
Don Quixote de la Mancha, who has commanded me to cast myself most
humbly at your feet, that it may please your honour to dispose of me
according to your will.'" Near the place where he lived dwelt a
good-looking country girl, for whom he had formerly had a sort of an
inclination, though, it is believed, she never heard of it, nor
regarded it in the least. Her name was Aldonza Lorenzo, and this was
she whom he thought he might entitle to the sovereignty of his heart;
upon which he studied to find her out a new name, that might have
some affinity with her old one, and yet at the same time sound
somewhat like that of a princess, or lady of quality; so at last he
resolved to call her Dulcinea, with the addition of del Toboso, from
the place where she was born; a name, in his opinion, sweet,
harmonious, and dignified, like the others which he had devised.