The Treasury of Ancient Egypt
The Treasury of Ancient EgyptPART ICHAPTER I.CHAPTER II.CHAPTER III.PART II.CHAPTER IV.CHAPTER V.CHAPTER VI.PART III.CHAPTER VII.CHAPTER VIII.CHAPTER IX.PART IV.CHAPTER X.CHAPTER XI.CHAPTER XII.Copyright
The Treasury of Ancient Egypt
Arthur E. P. Brome Weigall
PART I
THE VALUE OF THE TREASURY."History no longer shall be a dull book. It shall
walk incarnate in every just and wise man. You shall not tell me by
languages and titles a catalogue of the volumes you have read. You
shall make me feel what periods you have lived. A man shall be the
Temple of Fame. He shall walk, as the poets have described that
goddess, in a robe painted all over with wonderful events and
experiences.... He shall be the priest of Pan, and bring with him
into humble cottages the blessing of the morning stars, and all the
recorded benefits of heaven and earth."Emerson.
CHAPTER I.
THE VALUE OF ARCHÆOLOGY.The archæologist whose business it is to bring to light by
pick and spade the relics of bygone ages, is often accused of
devoting his energies to work which is of no material profit to
mankind at the present day. Archæology is an unapplied science,
and, apart from its connection with what is called culture, the
critic is inclined to judge it as a pleasant and worthless
amusement. There is nothing, the critic tells us, of pertinent
value to be learned from the Past which will be of use to the
ordinary person of the present time; and, though the archæologist
can offer acceptable information to the painter, to the theologian,
to the philologist, and indeed to most of the followers of the arts
and sciences, he has nothing to give to the ordinary
layman.In some directions the imputation is unanswerable; and when
the interests of modern times clash with those of the past, as, for
example, in Egypt where a beneficial reservoir has destroyed the
remains of early days, there can be no question that the recording
of the threatened information and the minimising of the
destruction, is all that the value of the archæologist's work
entitles him to ask for. The critic, however, usually overlooks
some of the chief reasons that archæology can give for even this
much consideration, reasons which constitute its modern usefulness;
and I therefore propose to point out to him three or four of the
many claims which it may make upon the attention of the
layman.In the first place it is necessary to define the meaning of
the term "Archæology." Archæology is the study of the facts of
ancient history and ancient lore. The word is applied to the study
of all ancient documents and objects which may be classed as
antiquities; and the archæologist is understood to be the man who
deals with a period for which the evidence has to be excavated or
otherwise discovered. The age at which an object becomes an
antiquity, however, is quite undefined, though practically it may
be reckoned at a hundred years; and ancient history is, after all,
the tale of any period which is not modern. Thus an archæologist
does not necessarily deal solely with the remote ages.Every chronicler of the events of the less recent times who
goes to the original documents for his facts, as true historians
must do during at least a part of their studies, is an
archæologist; and, conversely, every archæologist who in the course
of his work states a series of historical facts, becomes an
historian. Archæology and history are inseparable; and nothing is
more detrimental to a noble science than the attitude of certain
so-called archæologists who devote their entire time to the study
of a sequence of objects without proper consideration for the
history which those objects reveal. Antiquities are the relics of
human mental energy; and they can no more be classified without
reference to the minds which produced them than geological
specimens can be discussed without regard to the earth. There is
only one thing worse than the attitude of the archæologist who does
not study the story of the periods with which he is dealing, or
construct, if only in his thoughts, living history out of the
objects discovered by him; and that is the attitude of the
historian who has not familiarised himself with the actual relics
left by the people of whom he writes, or has not, when possible,
visited their lands. There are many "archæologists" who do not care
a snap of the fingers for history, surprising as this may appear;
and there are many historians who take no interest in manners and
customs. The influence of either is pernicious.It is to be understood, therefore, that in using the word
Archæology I include History: I refer to history supplemented and
aggrandised by the study of the arts, crafts, manners, and customs
of the period under consideration.As a first argument the value of archæology in providing a
precedent for important occurrences may be considered. Archæology
is the structure of ancient history, and it is the voice of history
which tells us that a Cretan is always a Cretan, and a Jew always a
Jew. History, then, may well take her place as a definite asset of
statecraft, and the law of Precedent may be regarded as a
fundamental factor in international politics. What has happened
before may happen again; and it is the hand of the archæologist
that directs our attention to the affairs and circumstances of
olden times, and warns us of the possibilities of their recurrence.
It may be said that the statesman who has ranged in the front of
his mind the proven characteristics of the people with whom he is
dealing has a perquisite of the utmost importance.Any archæologist who, previous to the rise of Japan during
the latter half of the nineteenth century, had made a close study
of the history of that country and the character of its people,
might well have predicted unerringly its future advance to the
position of a first-class power. The amazing faculty of imitation
displayed by the Japanese in old times was patent to him. He had
seen them borrow part of their arts, their sciences, their crafts,
their literature, their religion, and many of their customs from
the Chinese; and he might have been aware that they would likewise
borrow from the West, as soon as they had intercourse with it,
those essentials of civilisation which would raise them to their
present position in the world. To him their fearlessness, their
tenacity, and their patriotism, were known; and he was so well
aware of their powers of organisation, that he might have foreseen
the rapid development which was to take place.What historian who has read the ancient books of the
Irish—the Book of the Dun Cow, the Book of Ballymote, the Book of
Lismore, and the like—can show either surprise or dismay at the
events which have occurred in Ireland in modern times? Of the
hundreds of kings of Ireland whose histories are epitomised in such
works as that of the old archæologist Keating, it would be possible
to count upon the fingers those who have died in peace; and the
archæologist, thus, knows better than to expect the descendants of
these kings to live in harmony one with the other. National
characteristics do not change unless, as in the case of the Greeks,
the stock also changes.In the Jews we have another example of the persistence of
those national characteristics which history has made known to us.
The Jews first appear in the dimness of the remote past as a group
of nomad tribes, wandering over southern Palestine, Egypt, and the
intervening deserts; and at the present day we see them still
homeless, scattered over the face of the globe, the "tribe of the
wandering foot and weary breast."In no country has the archæologist been more active than in
Egypt during the last half century, and the contributions which his
spade and pick have offered to history are of first-rate importance
to that study as a whole. The eye may now travel down the history
of the Nile Valley from prehistoric days to the present time almost
without interruption; and now that the anthropologist has shown
that the modern Egyptians, Mussulman and Copt, peasant and
townsman, belong to one and the same race of ancient Egyptians, one
may surely judge to-day's inhabitants of the country in the light
of yesterday's records. In his report for the year 1906, Lord
Cromer, questioning whether the modern inhabitants of the country
were capable of governing their own land, tells us that we must go
back to the precedent of Pharaonic days to discover if the
Egyptians ever ruled themselves successfully.In this pregnant remark Lord Cromer was using information
which the archæologist and historian had made accessible to him.
Looking back over the history of the country, he was enabled, by
the study of this information, to range before him the succession
of foreign occupations of the Nile Valley and to assess their
significance. It may be worth while to repeat the process, in order
to give an example of the bearing of history upon modern polemics,
though I propose to discuss this matter more fully in another
chapter.Previous to the British occupation the country was ruled, as
it is now, by a noble dynasty of Albanian princes, whose founder
was set upon the throne by the aid of Turkish and Albanian troops.
From the beginning of the sixteenth century until that time Egypt
had been ruled by the Ottoman Government, the Turk having replaced
the Circassian and other foreign "Mamlukes" who had held the
country by the aid of foreign troops since the middle of the
thirteenth century. For a hundred years previous to the Mamluke
rule Egypt had been in the hands of the Syrian and Arabian dynasty
founded by Saladdin. The Fatimides, a North African dynasty,
governed the country before the advent of Saladdin, this family
having entered Egypt under their general, Jauhar, who was of Greek
origin. In the ninth century Ahmed ibn Tulun, a Turk, governed the
land with the aid of a foreign garrison, his rule being succeeded
by the Ikhshidi dynasty of foreigners. Ahmed had captured Egypt
from the Byzantines who had held it since the days of the Roman
occupation. Previous to the Romans the Ptolemies, a Greek family,
had governed the Nile Valley with the help of foreign troops. The
Ptolemies had followed close upon the Greek occupation, the Greeks
having replaced the Persians as rulers of Egypt. The Persian
occupation had been preceded by an Egyptian dynasty which had been
kept on the throne by Greek and other foreign garrisons. Previous
to this there had been a Persian occupation, which had followed a
short period of native rule under foreign influence. We then come
back to the Assyrian conquest which had followed the Ethiopian
rule. Libyan kings had held the country before the Ethiopian
conquest. The XXIst and XXth Dynasties preceded the Libyans, and
here, in a disgraceful period of corrupt government, a series of
so-called native kings are met with. Foreigners, however, swarmed
in the country at the time, foreign troops were constantly used,
and the Pharaohs themselves were of semi-foreign origin. One now
comes back to the early XIXth and XVIIIth Dynasties which, although
largely tinged with foreign blood, may be said to have been
Egyptian families. Before the rise of the XVIIIth Dynasty the
country was in foreign hands for the long period which had followed
the fall of the XIIth Dynasty, the classical period of Egyptian
history (about the twentieth century B.C.), when there were no
rivals to be feared. Thus the Egyptians may be said to have been
subject to foreign occupation for nearly four thousand years, with
the exception of the strong native rule of the XVIIIth Dynasty, the
semi-native rule of the three succeeding dynasties, and a few brief
periods of chaotic government in later times; and this is the
information which the archæologist has to give to the statesman and
politician. It is a story of continual conquest, of foreign
occupations following one upon another, of revolts and massacres,
of rapid retributions and punishments. It is the story of a nation
which, however ably it may govern itself in the future, has only
once in four thousand years successfully done so in the
past.The mummy of Rameses II. of Dynasty XIX.—Cairo
Museum.Such information is of far-reaching value to the politician,
and to those interested, as every Englishman should be, in Imperial
politics. A nation cannot alter by one jot or tittle its
fundamental characteristics; and only those who have studied those
characteristics in the pages of history are competent to foresee
the future. A certain Englishman once asked the Khedive Ismail
whether there was any news that day about Egyptian affairs. "That
is so like all you English," replied his Highness. "You are always
expecting something new to happen in Egypt day by day. To-day is
here the same as yesterday, and to-morrow will be the same as
to-day; and so it has been, and so it will be, for thousands of
years."[1]Neither Egypt nor
any other nation will ever change; and to this it is the
archæologist who will bear witness with his stern law of
Precedent.[1]E. Dicey. 'The Story of the Khedivate,' p.
528.I will reserve the enlarging of this subject for the next
chapter: for the present we may consider, as a second argument, the
efficacy of the past as a tonic to the present, and its ability to
restore the vitality of any age that is weakened.In ancient Egypt at the beginning of the XXVIth Dynasty (B.C.
663) the country was at a very low ebb. Devastated by conquests,
its people humiliated, its government impoverished, a general
collapse of the nation was imminent. At this critical period the
Egyptians turned their minds to the glorious days of old. They
remodelled their arts and crafts upon those of the classical
periods, introduced again the obsolete offices and titles of those
early times, and organised the government upon the old lines. This
movement saved the country, and averted its collapse for a few more
centuries. It renewed the pride of workmanship in a decadent
people; and on all sides we see a revival which was the direct
result of an archæological experiment.The importance of archæology as a reviver of artistic and
industrial culture will be realised at once if the essential part
it played in the great Italian Renaissance is called to mind.
Previous to the age of Cimabue and Giotto in Florence, Italian
refinement had passed steadily down the path of deterioration.
Græco-Roman art, which still at a high level in the early centuries
of the Christian era, entirely lost its originality during
Byzantine times, and the dark ages settled down upon Italy in
almost every walk of life. The Venetians, for example, were
satisfied with comparatively the poorest works of art imported from
Constantinople or Mount Athos: and in Florence so great was the
poverty of genius that when Cimabue in the thirteenth century
painted that famous Madonna which to our eyes appears to be of the
crudest workmanship, the little advance made by it in the direction
of naturalness was received by the city with acclamations, the very
street down which it was carried being called the "Happy Street" in
honour of the event. Giotto carried on his master's teachings, and
a few years later the Florentines had advanced to the standard of
Fra Angelico, who was immediately followed by the two Lippis and
Botticelli. Leonardo da Vinci, artist, architect, and engineer, was
almost contemporaneous with Botticelli, being born not much more
than a hundred years after the death of Giotto. With him art
reached a level which it has never surpassed, old traditions and
old canons were revived, and in every direction culture proceeded
again to those heights from which it had fallen.The reader will not need to be reminded that this great
renaissance was the direct result of the study of the remains of
the ancient arts of Greece and Rome. Botticelli and his
contemporaries were, in a sense, archæologists, for their work was
inspired by the relics of ancient days.Now, though at first sight it seems incredible that such an
age of barbarism as that of the later Byzantine period should
return, it is indeed quite possible that a relatively uncultured
age should come upon us in the future; and there is every
likelihood of certain communities passing over to the ranks of the
absolute Philistines. Socialism run mad would have no more time to
give to the intellect than it had during the French Revolution. Any
form of violent social upheaval means catalepsy of the arts and
crafts, and a trampling under foot of old traditions. The invasions
and revolts which are met with at the close of ancient Egyptian
history brought the culture of that country to the lowest ebb of
vitality. The fall of Greece put an absolute stop to the artistic
life of that nation. The invasions of Italy by the inhabitants of
less refined countries caused a set-back in civilisation for which
almost the whole of Europe suffered. Certain of the French arts and
crafts have never recovered from the effects of the
Revolution.A national convulsion of one kind or another is to be
expected by every country; and history tells us that such a
convulsion is generally followed by an age of industrial and
artistic coma, which is brought to an end not so much by the
introduction of foreign ideas as by a renascence of the early
traditions of the nation. It thus behoves every man to interest
himself in the continuity of these traditions, and to see that they
are so impressed upon the mind that they shall survive all
upheavals, or with ease be re-established.There is no better tonic for a people who have weakened, and
whose arts, crafts, and industries have deteriorated than a return
to the conditions which obtained at a past age of national
prosperity; and there are few more repaying tasks in the long-run
than that of reviving an interest in the best periods of artistic
or industrial activity. This can only be effected by the study of
the past, that is to say by archæology.It is to be remembered, of course, that the sentimental
interest in antique objects which, in recent years, has given a
huge value to all ancient things, regardless of their intrinsic
worth, is a dangerous attitude, unless it is backed by the most
expert knowledge; for instead of directing the attention only to
the best work of the best periods, it results in the diminishing of
the output of modern original work and the setting of little of
worth in its place. A person of a certain fashionable set will now
boast that there is no object in his room less than two hundred
years old: his only boast, however, should be that the room
contains nothing which is not of intrinsic beauty, interest, or
good workmanship. The old chairs from the kitchen are dragged into
the drawing-room—because they are old; miniatures unmeritoriously
painted by unknown artists for obscure clients are nailed in
conspicuous places—because they are old; hideous plates and dishes,
originally made by ignorant workmen for impoverished peasants, are
enclosed in glass cases—because they are old; iron-bound chests,
which had been cheaply made to suit the purses of farmers, are
rescued from the cottages of their descendants and sold for
fabulous sums—because they are old.A person who fills a drawing-room with chairs, tables, and
ornaments, dating from the reign of Queen Anne, cannot say that he
does so because he wishes it to look like a room of that date; for
if this were his desire, he would have to furnish it with objects
which appeared to be newly made, since in the days of Queen Anne
the first quality noticeable in them would have been their newness.
In fact, to produce the desired effect everything in the room, with
very few exceptions, would have to be a replica. To sit in this
room full of antiques in a frock-coat would be as bad a breach of
good taste as the placing of a Victorian chandelier in an
Elizabethan banqueting-hall. To furnish the room with genuine
antiquities because they are old and therefore interesting would be
to carry the museum spirit into daily life with its attending
responsibilities, and would involve all manner of incongruities and
inconsistencies; while to furnish in this manner because antiques
were valuable would be merely vulgar. There are, thus, only three
justifications that I can see for the action of the man who
surrounds himself with antiquities: he must do so because they are
examples of workmanship, because they are beautiful, or because
they are endeared to him by family usage. These, of course, are
full and complete justifications; and the value of his attitude
should be felt in the impetus which it gives to conscientious
modern work. There are periods in history at which certain arts,
crafts, or industries reached an extremely high level of
excellence; and nothing can be more valuable to modern workmen than
familiarity with these periods. Well-made replicas have a value
that is overlooked only by the inartistic. Nor must it be forgotten
that modern objects of modern design will one day become
antiquities; and it should be our desire to assist in the making of
the period of our lifetime an age to which future generations will
look back for guidance and teaching. Every man can, in this manner,
be of use to a nation, if only by learning to reject poor work
wherever he comes upon it—work which he feels would not stand
against the criticism of Time; and thus it may be said that
archæology, which directs him to the best works of the ancients,
and sets him a standard and criterion, should be an essential part
of his education.Wood and enamel jewel-case discovered in the tomb of Yuaa and
Tuau. An example of the furniture of one of the best periods of
ancient Egyptian art.—Cairo Museum.The third argument which I wish to employ here to demonstrate
the value of the study of archæology and history to the layman is
based upon the assumption that patriotism is a desirable ingredient
in a man's character. This is a premise which assuredly will be
admitted. True patriotism is essential to the maintenance of a
nation. It has taken the place, among certain people, of loyalty to
the sovereign; for the armies which used to go to war out of a
blind loyalty to their king, now do so from a sense of patriotism
which is shared by the monarch (if they happen to have the good
fortune to possess one).Patriotism is often believed to consist of a love of one's
country, in an affection for the familiar villages or cities,
fields or streets, of one's own dwelling-place. This is a grievous
error. Patriotism should be an unqualified desire for the welfare
of the race as a whole. It is not really patriotic for the
Englishman to say, "I love England": it is only natural. It is not
patriotic for him to say, "I don't think much of foreigners": it is
only a form of narrowness of mind which, in the case of England and
certain other countries, happens sometimes to be rather a useful
attitude, but in the case of several nations, of which a good
example is Egypt, would be detrimental to their own interests. It
was not unqualified patriotism that induced the Greeks to throw off
the Ottoman yoke: it was largely dislike of the Turks. It is not
patriotism, that is to say undiluted concern for the nation as a
whole, which leads some of the modern Egyptians to prefer an
entirely native government to the Anglo-Egyptian administration now
obtaining in that country: it is restlessness; and I am fortunately
able to define it thus without the necessity of entering the arena
of polemics by an opinion as to whether that restlessness is
justified or not justified.If patriotism were but the love of one's tribe and one's
dwelling-place, then such undeveloped or fallen races as, for
example, the American Indians, could lay their downfall at the door
of that sentiment; since the exclusive love of the tribe prevented
the small bodies from amalgamating into one great nation for the
opposing of the invader. If patriotism were but the desire for
government without interference, then the breaking up of the
world's empires would be urged, and such federations as the United
States of America would be intolerable.Patriotism is, and must be, the desire for the progress and
welfare of the whole nation, without any regard whatsoever to the
conditions under which that progress takes place, and without any
prejudice in favour either of self-government or of outside
control. I have no hesitation in saying that the patriotic Pole is
he who is in favour of Russian or German control of his country's
affairs; for history has told him quite plainly that he cannot
manage them himself. The Nationalist in any country runs the risk
of being the poorest patriot in the land, for his continuous cry is
for self-government, without any regard to the question as to
whether such government will be beneficial to his nation in the
long-run.The value of history to patriotism, then, is to be assessed
under two headings. In the first place, history defines the
attitude which the patriot should assume. It tells him, in the
clear light of experience, what is, and what is not, good for his
nation, and indicates to him how much he may claim for his country.
And in the second place, it gives to the patriots of those nations
which have shown capacity and ability in the past a confidence in
the present; it permits in them the indulgence of that enthusiasm
which will carry them, sure-footed, along the path of
glory.Archæology, as the discovery and classification of the facts
of history, is the means by which we may obtain a true knowledge of
what has happened in the past. It is the instrument with which we
may dissect legend, and extract from myth its ingredients of fact.
Cold history tells the Greek patriot, eager to enter the fray, that
he must set little store by the precedent of the deeds of the
Trojan war. It tells the English patriot that the "one jolly
Englishman" of the old rhyme is not the easy vanquisher of the "two
froggy Frenchmen and one Portugee" which tradition would have him
believe. He is thus enabled to steer a middle course between arrant
conceit and childish fright. History tells him the actual facts:
history is to the patriot what "form" is to the racing
man.In the case of the English (Heaven be praised!) history opens
up a boundless vista for the patriotic. The Englishman seldom
realises how much he has to be proud of in his history, or how
loudly the past cries upon him to be of good cheer. One hears much
nowadays of England's peril, and it is good that the red signals of
danger should sometimes be displayed. But let every Englishman
remember that history can tell him of greater perils faced
successfully; of mighty armies commanded by the greatest generals
the world has ever known, held in check year after year, and
finally crushed by England; of vast fleets scattered or destroyed
by English sailors; of almost impregnable cities captured by
British troops. "There is something very characteristic," writes
Professor Seeley,[1]"in the
indifference which we show towards the mighty phenomenon of the
diffusion of our race and the expansion of our state. We seem, as
it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of
absence of mind."[1]'The Expansion of England,' p.
10.The history of England, and later of the British Empire,
constitutes a tale so amazing that he who has the welfare of the
nation as a whole at heart—that is to say, the true patriot—is
justified in entertaining the most optimistic thoughts for the
future. He should not be indifferent to the past: he should bear it
in mind all the time. Patriotism may not often be otherwise than
misguided if no study of history has been made. The patriot of one
nation will wish to procure for his country a freedom which history
would show him to have been its very curse; and the patriot of
another nation will encourage a nervousness and restraint in his
people which history would tell him was unnecessary. The English
patriot has a history to read which, at the present time, it is
especially needful for him to consider; and, since Egyptology is my
particular province, I cannot better close this argument than by
reminding the modern Egyptians that their own history of four
thousand years and its teaching must be considered by them when
they speak of patriotism. A nation so talented as the descendants
of the Pharaohs, so industrious, so smart and clever, should give a
far larger part of its attention to the arts, crafts, and
industries, of which Egyptian archæology has to tell so splendid a
story.As a final argument for the value of the study of history and
archæology an aspect of the question may be placed before the
reader which will perhaps be regarded as fanciful, but which, in
all sincerity, I believe to be sober sense.In this life of ours which, under modern conditions, is lived
at so great a speed, there is a growing need for a periodical pause
wherein the mind may adjust the relationship of the things that
have been to those that are. So rapidly are our impressions
received and assimilated, so individually are they shaped or
classified, that, in whatever direction our brains lead us, we are
speedily carried beyond that province of thought which is common to
us all. A man who lives alone finds himself, in a few months, out
of touch with the thought of his contemporaries; and, similarly, a
man who lives in what is called an up-to-date manner soon finds
himself grown unsympathetic to the sober movement of the world's
slow round-about.Now, the man who lives alone presently developes some of the
recognised eccentricities of the recluse, which, on his return to
society, cause him to be regarded as a maniac; and the man who
lives entirely in the present cannot argue that the characteristics
which he has developed are less maniacal because they are shared by
his associates. Rapidly he, too, has become eccentric; and just as
the solitary man must needs come into the company of his fellows if
he would retain a healthy mind, so the man who lives in the present
must allow himself occasional intercourse with the past if he would
keep his balance.Heavy gold earrings of Queen Tausert of Dynasty XX. An
example of the work of ancient Egyptian goldsmiths.—Cairo
Museum.Heraclitus, in a quotation preserved by Sextus
Empiricus,[1]writes: "It
behoves us to follow the common reason of the world; yet, though
there is a common reason in the world, the majority live as though
they possessed a wisdom peculiar each unto himself alone." Every
one of us who considers his mentality an important part of his
constitution should endeavour to give himself ample opportunities
of adjusting his mind to this "common reason" which is the silver
thread that runs unbroken throughout history. We should remember
the yesterdays, that we may know what the pother of to-day is
about; and we should foretell to-morrow not by to-day but by every
day that has been.[1]Bywater: 'Heracliti Ephesii Reliquiæ,' p.
38.Forgetfulness is so common a human failing. In our rapid
transit through life we are so inclined to forget the past stages
of the journey. All things pass by and are swallowed up in a moment
of time. Experiences crowd upon us; the events of our life occur,
are recorded by our busy brains, are digested, and are forgotten
before the substance of which they were made has resolved into its
elements. We race through the years, and our progress is headlong
through the days.Everything, as it is done with, is swept up into the basket
of the past, and the busy handmaids, unless we check them, toss the
contents, good and bad, on to the great rubbish heap of the world's
waste. Loves, hates, gains, losses, all things upon which we do not
lay fierce and strong hands, are gathered into nothingness, and,
with a few exceptions, are utterly forgotten.And we, too, will soon have passed, and our little brains
which have forgotten so much will be forgotten. We shall be
throttled out of the world and pressed by the clumsy hands of Death
into the mould of that same rubbish-hill of oblivion, unless there
be a stronger hand to save us. We shall be cast aside, and left
behind by the hurrying crowd, unless there be those who will see to
it that our soul, like that of John Brown, goes marching along.
There is only one human force stronger than death, and that force
is History, By it the dead are made to live again: history is the
salvation of the mortal man as religion is the salvation of his
immortal life.Sometimes, then, in our race from day to day it is necessary
to stop the headlong progress of experience, and, for an hour, to
look back upon the past. Often, before we remember to direct our
mind to it, that past is already blurred, and dim. The picture is
out of focus, and turning from it in sorrow instantly the flight of
our time begins again. This should not be. "There is," says
Emerson, "a relationship between the hours of our life and the
centuries of time." Let us give history and archæology its due
attention; for thus not only shall we be rendering a service to all
the dead, not only shall we be giving a reason and a usefulness to
their lives, but we shall also lend to our own thought a balance
which in no otherwise can be obtained, we shall adjust ourselves to
the true movement of the world, and, above all, we shall learn how
best to serve that nation to which it is our inestimable privilege
to belong.
CHAPTER II.
THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE."History," says Sir J. Seeley, "lies before science as a mass
of materials out of which a political doctrine can be deduced....
Politics are vulgar when they are not liberalised by history, and
history fades into mere literature when it loses sight of its
relation to practical politics.... Politics and history are only
different aspects of the same study."[1][1]'The Expansion of England.'These words, spoken by a great historian, form the keynote of
a book which has run into nearly twenty editions; and they may
therefore be regarded as having some weight. Yet what historian of
old Egyptian affairs concerns himself with the present welfare and
future prospects of the country, or how many statesmen in Egypt
give close attention to a study of the past? To the former the
Egypt of modern times offers no scope for his erudition, and gives
him no opportunity of making "discoveries," which is all he cares
about. To the latter, Egyptology appears to be but a pleasant
amusement, the main value of which is the finding of pretty scarabs
suitable for the necklaces of one's lady friends. Neither the one
nor the other would for a moment admit that Egyptology and Egyptian
politics "are only different aspects of the same study." And yet
there can be no doubt that they are.It will be argued that the historian of ancient Egypt deals
with a period so extremely remote that it can have no bearing upon
the conditions of modern times, when the inhabitants of Egypt have
altered their language, religion, and customs, and the
Mediterranean has ceased to be the active centre of the civilised
world. But it is to be remembered that the study of Egyptology
carries one down to the Muhammedan invasion without much straining
of the term, and merges then into the study of the Arabic period at
so many points that no real termination can be given to the
science; while the fact of the remoteness of its beginnings but
serves to give it a greater value, since the vista before the eyes
is wider.It is my object in this chapter to show that the ancient
history of Egypt has a real bearing on certain aspects of the
polemics of the country. I need not again touch upon the matters
which were referred to on page 8 in order to demonstrate this fact.
I will take but one subject—namely, that of Egypt's foreign
relations and her wars in other lands. It will be best, for this
purpose, to show first of all that the ancient and modern Egyptians
are one and the same people; and, secondly, that the political
conditions, broadly speaking, are much the same now as they have
been throughout history.Professor Elliot Smith, F.R.S., has shown clearly enough,
from the study of bones of all ages, that the ancient and modern
inhabitants of the Nile Valley are precisely the same people
anthropologically; and this fact at once sets the matter upon an
unique footing: for, with the possible exception of China, there is
no nation in the world which can be proved thus to have retained
its type for so long a period. This one fact makes any parallel
with Greece or Rome impossible. The modern Greeks have not much in
common, anthropologically, with the ancient Greeks, for the blood
has become very mixed; the Italians are not the same as the old
Romans; the English are the result of a comparatively recent
conglomeration of types. But in Egypt the subjects of archaic
Pharaohs, it seems certain, were exactly similar to those of the
modern Khedives, and new blood has never been introduced into the
nation to an appreciable extent, not even by the Arabs. Thus, if
there is any importance in the bearing of history upon politics, we
have in Egypt a better chance of appreciating it than we have in
the case of any other country.It is true that the language has altered, but this is not a
matter of first-rate importance. A Jew is not less typical because
he speaks German, French, or English; and the cracking of skulls in
Ireland is introduced as easily in English as it was in Erse. The
old language of the Egyptian hieroglyphs actually is not yet quite
dead; for, in its Coptic form, it is still spoken by many Christian
Egyptians, who will salute their friends in that tongue, or bid
them good-morning or good-night. Ancient Egyptian in this form is
read in the Coptic churches; and God is called upon by that same
name which was given to Amon and his colleagues. Many old Egyptian
words have crept into the Arabic language, and are now in common
use in the country; while often the old words are confused with
Arabic words of similar sound. Thus, at Abydos, the archaic
fortress is now called theShunet es
Zebib, which in Arabic would have the
inexplicable meaning "the store-house of raisins"; but in the old
Egyptian language its name, of similar sound, meant "the fortress
of the Ibis-jars," several of these sacred birds having been buried
there in jars, after the place had been disused as a military
stronghold. A large number of Egyptian towns still bear their
hieroglyphical names: Aswan, (Kom) Ombo, Edfu, Esneh, Keft, Kus,
Keneh, Dendereh, for example. The real origin of these being now
forgotten, some of them have been given false Arabic derivations,
and stories have been invented to account for the peculiar
significance of the words thus introduced. The wordSilsilehin Arabic means "a chain," and
a place in Upper Egypt which bears that name is now said to be so
called because a certain king here stretched a chain across the
river to interrupt the shipping; but in reality the name is derived
from a mispronounced hieroglyphical word meaning "a boundary."
Similarly the town of Damanhur in Lower Egypt is said to be the
place at which a great massacre took place, for in Arabic the name
may be interpreted as meaning "rivers of blood," whereas actually
the name in Ancient Egyptian means simply "the Town of Horus." The
archæological traveller in Egypt meets with instances of the
continued use of the language of the Pharaohs at every turn; and
there are few things that make the science of Egyptology more
alive, or remove it further from the dusty atmosphere of the
museum, than this hearing of the old words actually spoken by the
modern inhabitants of the land.The religion of Ancient Egypt, like those of Greece and Rome,
was killed by Christianity, which largely gave place, at a later
date, to Muhammedanism; and yet, in the hearts of the people there
are still an extraordinary number of the old pagan beliefs. I will
mention a few instances, taking them at random from my
memory.In, ancient days the ithiphallic god Min was the patron of
the crops, who watched over the growth of the grain. In modern
times a degenerate figure of this god Min, made of whitewashed wood
and mud, may be seen standing, like a scarecrow, in the fields
throughout Egypt. When the sailors cross the Nile they may often be
heard singingYa Amuni, Ya Amuni, "O Amon, O Amon," as though calling upon that forgotten god
for assistance. At Aswan those who are about to travel far still go
up to pray at the site of the travellers' shrine, which was
dedicated to the gods of the cataracts. At Thebes the women climb a
certain hill to make their supplications at the now lost sanctuary
of Meretsegert, the serpent-goddess of olden times. A snake, the
relic of the household goddess, is often kept as a kind of pet in
the houses of the peasants. Barren women still go to the ruined
temples of the forsaken gods in the hope that there is virtue in
the stones; and I myself have given permission to disappointed
husbands to take their childless wives to these places, where they
have kissed the stones and embraced the figures of the gods. The
hair of the jackal is burnt in the presence of dying people, even
of the upper classes, unknowingly to avert the jackal-god Anubis,
the Lord of Death. A scarab representing the god of creation is
sometimes placed in the bath of a young married woman to give
virtue to the water. A decoration in white paint over the doorways
of certain houses in the south is a relic of the religious custom
of placing a bucranium there to avert evil. Certain temple-watchmen
still call upon the spirits resident in the sanctuaries to depart
before they will enter the building. At Karnak a statue of the
goddess Sekhmet is regarded with holy awe; and the goddess who once
was said to have massacred mankind is even now thought to delight
in slaughter. The golden barque of Amon-Ra, which once floated upon
the sacred lake of Karnak, is said to be seen sometimes by the
natives at the present time, who have not yet forgotten its former
existence. In the processional festival of Abu'l Haggag, the patron
saint of Luxor, whose mosque and tomb stand upon the ruins of the
Temple of Amon, a boat is dragged over the ground in unwitting
remembrance of the dragging of the boat of Amon in the processions
of that god. Similarly in theMouled el
Nebiprocession at Luxor, boats placed upon carts
are drawn through the streets, just as one may see them in the
ancient paintings and reliefs. The patron gods of Kom Ombo, Horur
and Sebek, yet remain in the memories of the peasants of the
neighbourhood as the two brothers who lived in the temple in the
days of old. A robber entering a tomb will smash the eyes of the
figures of the gods and deceased persons represented therein, that
they may not observe his actions, just as did his ancestors four
thousand years ago. At Gurneh a farmer recently broke the arms of
an ancient statue, which lay half-buried near his fields, because
he believed that they had damaged his crops. In the south of Egypt
a pot of water is placed upon the graves of the dead, that their
ghost, orka, as it would have
been called in old times, may not suffer from thirst; and the
living will sometimes call upon the name of the dead, standing at
night in the cemeteries.