The Reading Biblical-Theological of 1 Timothy 2,12 and Acts 18,26 in The Patristic Tradition: The woman's Role in the Church and in The Family with Particular Reference to The Theology Protological E-Book

Cinzia Randazzo

• Herausgeber: Youcanprint
• Kategorie: Religion und Spiritualität
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017

Beschreibung

In this contribution the author examines the interpretation of 1 Timothy 2:12 and of the Acts 18,26 in the patristic tradition.From an analytical reading of the patristic texts, where the aforementioned scriptural passages recur, the author deduces the essential traits, through which the role of the woman in the church and in the family is expressed.

Leseprobe

INDICE

Preface

Introduction

1. The woman in the church

1.1. Attitudes

1.2. Finality

2. The woman in the family

2.1. Attitudes

2.2. Finality

Bibliography essential

CINZIA RANDAZZO

The Reading Biblical-Theological of 1 Timothy 2,12 and Acts 18,26 in The Patristic Tradition: The woman's Role in the Church and in The Family with Particular Reference to The Theology Protological

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Title | The Reading Biblical-Theological of 1 Timothy 2,12 and Acts 18,26 in The Patristic Tradition: The woman's Role in the Church and in The Family with Particular Reference to The Theology Protological

Author | Cinzia Randazzo

ISBN | 9788827800270

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PREFACE

In this brief essay, Cinzia Randazzo has followed up on my observation that the reception of 1 Tm 2,12 and Acts 18,26, both of which relate to the role of women as teachers in the early church, in post-biblical Christian writers is little known. She has taken up the challenge, and brought together relevant materials from early Christian writers as diverse as Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian of Carthage, Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose, Ambrosiaster, Epiphanius, and Victorinus of Pettau. It is clear from these sources that the early church “fathers” (with the exception of Victorinus) preferred the restrictive approach of 1 Timothy (“I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she is to keep silent” [NRSV]; cf. 1 Cor 14,34) to the more egalitarian implications of Acts 18,26, which refers to Aquila’s instruction in the Way of God by Priscilla (mentioned first) and Aquila.

It may be relevant that these writers, whose works originated over the course of several centuries and in geographically disparate locations, all regarded it as necessary to restrict women’s teaching activity. This is no doubt largely due to the shared cultural norm that relegated women to the private sphere of modesty and domesticity. However, their common insistence that women should not teach publicly may also reflect women’s continued aspirations to teach and be heard, as well as the reputation of some women for wise teaching. Echoing these wise women, Randazzo challenges the “fathers’” preoccupation with (and misinterpretation of) Gen 2,21-22 and their insistence that the women prophets of the Bible, from Miriam to the daughters of Philip, did not prophesy publicly by pointing to the example of Judith (Jdt 15,8–16,20) and of Gorgonia, whose wisdom was manifested by her silence in church, which “goes beyond all the wretched words of the man”, including the presbyter (p. 19). It should be noted, however, that in Proverbs, Woman Wisdom (Sophia) shares her teachings openly and eloquently (e.g., Prov 8,1-21; 9,1-6), and the wise words of both mother and fathers are recommended by the Sage (Prov 23,22; 30,17; 31,1-31). Mary Magdalene was renowned in the medieval church as “apostle of the apostles”,1 a status she would not have earned had she remained silent in response to the instruction “go to my brothers and say to them” (Jn 20,17). Cinzia Randazzo is to be commended for bringing these problematic sources to our attention, and for challenging them with her own wise words.

Saskatoon 18-4-2017

Mary Ann Beavis

Professor Department of Religion and Culture St. Thomas More College Saskatoon, Canada

L’objectif de Cinzia Randazzo dans ces pages est de déterminer, à partir d’une lecture de textes patristiques qui commentent ces deux passages des écritures (Première Épitre à Timothée 2,12 ; Actes des Apôtres 18,26), le rôle éducatif de la femme dans l’Église et dans la famille, et le type de sagesse qui la caractérise. L’auteure cherche à montrer que le silence de la femme est le signe de la supériorité de sa sagesse et non, comme veulent le croire Origène, Grégoire de Nazianze, Cyprien de Carthage, Epiphane de Salamine, Jean Chrysostome et Ambroise de Milan notamment, la marque de son infériorité qui, par conséquent, implique sa soumission au savoir de l’homme. Pour démontrer sa thèse, l’auteure convoque certaines figures exemplaires de femmes: le discours de Judith a une activité salvifique qui devient acte; et la vertu du silence est illustrée par Gorgonie, la sœur de Grégoire de Nazianze, par Marie, la sœur d’Aaron, et par Marie, la mère de Jésus entre autres. Le silence de la femme est une forme de sagesse supérieure; liée à l’humilité, à la foi et à la dévotion, le silence est en effet supérieur à la parole, parce qu’il s’incarne dans l’action. L’auteure insiste aussi sur le fait que la sagesse de la femme doit être tournée vers l’éducation des jeunes gens et surtout de ses enfants.

Ces pages défendent une interprétation positive des deux passages de l’Écriture cités sur l’attitude de la femme à l’égard de la parole et du savoir. L’interprétation machiste qui met la femme sur un pied d’infériorité correspond à l’opinion du grand nombre. À l’opposé, le silence de la femme, dont l’activité éducatrice est déterminante, peut être vu comme une manifestation de la supériorité de sa sagesse. On se trouve alors dans un contexte qui est celui de la philosophie, et notamment de la philosophie de Platon pour qui la pensée est un dialogue silencieux de la pensée avec elle-même (Sophiste 263e), et surtout de Plotin pour qui la contemplation, en quoi consiste la pensée, s’effectue dans un silence efficace (traité 49 (V, 3), 10, 45-46), et cela notamment dans le cas de la Nature qui produit le monde des choses sensibles sans avoir recours au discours pour se justifier (prosopopée de la Nature dans le traité 30 (III, 8), 4, 1-15).

Ce sont là de très belles pages sur l’importance d’une sagesse fondée sur le silence et de l’éducation par l’exemple.

Paris,3-5-2017

Luc Brisson

                CNRS - Paris

_____________________

1 See Katherine Ludwig Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 19, 62, 65, 85, 270, 273, 284, 287.

INTRODUCTION

Let me emphasize that the present study has been suggested by the prof. BEAVIS who, having read my preceding monograph on the Concept of the Education of The Young People to The First Origins of The Christianity, 2 had expressed opinion positive in the widening the framework of the research on the educational role of the women in the early church, starting from the exegesis of two scriptural passages 1Tm 2,12 and Acts 18,26. With regard to the first passage scriptural exist a series of studies that face the argument by the point of view exegetical-biblical,3 while that of MALINGREY has been the unique to face the exegesis of 1Tm 2,15 limitedly in field patristic.4

To encourage such research is the lack of studies related to the interpretation patristic of the scriptural passages previously mentioned, ever since the study of GRISANTIS examines the exegesis patristic of 1Tm 2,11-15 only in a perspective historical-magisterial,5 while the other studies, done on the figure of the woman, illustrate the argument by the point of view ideological-social,6 theological-ecclesiological,7 - with a greater attention to the late antiquity8 - not excluding the tradition orthodox9 and that anglican, related to the ordination of the women.10

Taking into consideration the suggestion of the Prof. BEAVIS we are proposed to analyze the patristic texts where recur the pericopes of these two scriptural passages, to try to understand what was the role of the woman both in the church and in the family, by the light of the theology protological.

_____________________

2 See C. RANDAZZO, La educazione dei giovani alle primissime origini del cristianesimo, Tricase 2015.

3 See R. FALCONER, “I Timothy 2,14.15. Interpretative Notes’, in Journal of Biblical Literature 60 (1941), 375-379; V. C. STICHELE, “Is Silence Golden? Paul and Women’s Speech in Corinth”, in Louvain Studies 20 (1955), 2-3; S. JEBB, “Suggested interpretation of 1 Timothée 2:15”, in Evangelical Theology 81 (1969/70), 221-222; A.D.B. SPENCER, “Eve at Ephesius (Should Women be ordained as pastors according to the First Letter to Timothy 1:11-15?)”, in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 17 (1974), 215-222; R. RUETHER, “Women and ecclesiastical Ministry in historical and social perspective”, in Concilium 12 (1976), 17-23; D.J. MOO, “I Timothy 2:11-15: Meaning and Significance”, in Trinidad Journal of New Testament Studies I (1980), 62-83; H. B. PAYNE, “Libertarian Women in Ephesius: A Response to Douglas J. Moo’s article: I Timothy 2:11-15: Meaning and Significance”, in Trinidad Journal of New Testament Studies 2 (1981), 169-197; H. HUIZENGA, “Women, Salvation and the Birth of Christ: A Reexamination of I Timothy 2:15”, in Studies in Biblical Theology 12 (1982), 17-26; C.D. OSBURN, “AUTHENTEO (I Timothy 2:12)”, in Rest Quarterly 25 (1982), 1-12; G.W. KNIGHT, “AUTHENTEO in Reference to Women in I Timothy 2.12” ”, in New Testament Studies 30 (1984), 143-157; S.L. LOVE, “Women’s Roles in Certain Second Testament Passages: A Macrosociological View”, in Biblical Theology Bulletin 12 (1987), 50-59; A. PADGETT, “Wealthy Women at Ephesius. I Timothy 2:8-15 in Social Context”, in Interpretation 41 (1987), 19-31; P.W. BARNETT, “Wives and Women’s Ministry” (I Timothy 2:11-15), in Evangelical Quarterly 61 (1989), 225-238; B. BARRON, “Putting Women in Their Place: I Timothy 2 and Evangelical Views of Women in Church Leadership”, in Journal of the Evangelical Theology Society 33 (1990), 451-459; G.N. REDEKOP, “Let the Women Learn: I Timothy 2:8-15 Reconsidered”, in Studies in Religion 19 (1990), 235-245; A.L. BOWMAN, “Women in Ministry: An Exegetical Study in I Timothy 2:11-15" , in Biblical Studies 149 (1992), 193-213; G.P. HUGENBERGER, “Women in Church Office: Hermeneutics or Exegesis? A Survey of Approaches to I Timothy 2:8-15", in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 35 (1992), 341-360; C.S. KEENER, “Paul, Women and Wives. Marriage and Women’s Ministry in the Letters of Paul”, Peabody, Mass. 1992; D.R. KIMBERLEY, “I Timothy 2:15: A Possible Understanding of a Difficult Text”, in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 35 (1992), 481-486; S.E. FIORENZA, In Memory of Her, SCM, London 1994.

4 See A.M. MALINGREY, Note sur l'exégèse de 1Tm 2,15, in Studia Patristica 12 (1975), 334-339. For the interpretation of Gen 1-3 see D.F. WRIGHT, Woman Before and After the Fall: a Comparison of Luther's and Calvin's Interpretation of Genesis 1-3, in Churchmann 98 (1984), 126-135, (reprinted in R.C. GAMBLE (Ed.), Calvin's Work in Geneva, (Articles on Calvin and Calvinism 3), New York and London 1992, 156-165; G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, La donna nell'esegesi patristica di Gen II-III, in La donna nel pensiero cristiano antico, Genova 1992, 17-50; G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Donna e creazione negli scritti dei Padri: aspetti e problemi dell'esegesi patristica di Gen 1-3, in S.A. PANIMOLLE (a cura di), Dizionario di spiritualità biblico-patristica 11: Creazione uomo – donna, Roma 1995, 217-238; Theo M.M.A.C. BELL, Man is a Microcosmos: Adam and Eve in Luther's Lectures on Genesis (1535-1545), in Concordia Theological Quarterly 69,2 (2005), 159-184.

5 See V. DE GRISANTIS, La donna nella chiesa. Il problema e la storia della interpretazione di 1Timoteo 2,11-15, Roma 2000.

6 See G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Ruolo cultuale della donna in Grecia e a Roma: per una tipologia storico-religiosa, in U. MATTIOLI (Ed.), Donna e culture. Studi e documenti nel III anniversario della “Mulieris dignitatem”, Bologna 1991, 57-121; A. ARJAVA, Women in the Christian Empire: Ideological Changes and Social Reality , in Studia Patristica 24 (1993), 6-9; R.S. KRAEMER, Women's Religion in the Greco-Roman World: A Sourcebook, Oxford 2004; E. GIANNARELLI, Body, Clothing and female Identity, in Studia Patristica 44 (2007), 461-470; V. NOVEMBRI, Philosophie and Christian Culture: An Antidote for Female Weakness in Jerome's Letters, in Studia Patristica 44 (2007), 471-486.

7 See R.J. HOFFMANN, Women in the Marcionite Churches of the Second Century: An Enquiry into the Provenance of Romans 16, in Studia Patristica 18,3 (1989), 161-170; G. KEHNSCHERPER, Church of Women. Leviticus XII and Luke II.21-24: The Law of Purity and the Benediction of Mother, in Studia Patristica 18,2 (1989), 380-384; D. RAMOS-LISSON, Il ruolo della donna nella teologia di sant'Ireneo, in Studia Patristica 21 (1989), 163-174; K. JO TORJESEN, Tertullian's "Political Ecclesiology" and Women's Leadership, in Studia Patristica 21 (1989), 277-284; C. TREVETT, Ignatius and the Monstrous Regiment of Women, in Studia Patristica 21 (1989), 202-216; E. GIANNARELLI, Women and Miracles in Christian Biography (Ivth-Vth centuries), in Studia Patristica 25 (1993), 376-380; E. Glenn HINSON, Women among the Martyrs, in Studia Patristica 25 (1993), 423-428; F. DI MARCO, Undressed: the Naked Female Body as a Sign of Holiness in Apocryphal and Hagiographycal Literature, in Studia Patristica 44 (2007), 499-508.

8 See H.I. MARROU, L'idéal de la virginité et la condition de la femme dans la civilisation antique, in La chasteté, Problèmes de la religieuse d'aujourd'hui, Paris 1953, 39-49. For the Susanna’s critical importance in the Book of Daniel, see R.A.F. MACKENZIE, S.J., “The Meaning of the Susanna Story,” in Canadian Journal of Theology 3 (1957), 211-18; F.E. VOKES, Montanism and the Ministry, in Studia Patristica 9 (1966), 306-315; K.F. MORRISON, Tradition and Autority in the Western Church 300-1140, Princeton 1969; H.E. Van LOVEREN, “Once again – The Monk and the Martyr: St Antony and St. Macrina, in Studia Patristica 17 (1973), 528-538; F.C. KLAWITER, The New Prophecy in Early Christianity: The origin, Nature, and Development of Montanism, Chicago 1975; R. GRYSON, The Ministry of Women in the Early Church, Collegeville 1976; P. WILSON KASTNER, Macrina, Virgin and Teacher, in Andrews University Seminary Studies 17 (1979), 105-117; E.K. BROWN, Women in Church history: Stereotypes, Archetypes and Operational Modalities, in Methodist History 18,2 (1980), 109-132; F.C. KLAWITER, The Role of Martyrdom and Persecution in Developing the Priestly Authority of Women in Early Christianity: A Case Study of Montanism, in Church history 49,3 (1980), 251-261; K.P. WILSON.-G.R.KASTNER-A. MILLIN-R. RADER-J. REEDY, A Lost Tradition: Women Writers of the Early Church, Washington 1981; J. LAPORTE, The Role of Women in Early Christianity, New-York 1982; E. CASTELLI, Virginity and Its Meaning for Women's Sexuality, in Early Christianity, in Journal of Feministe Studies in Religion 2 (1986), 61-88; E. GARRIDO GONZÁLEZ (Ed.), La mujer en el mundo antiguo: Actas de las V Jornadas de Investigacion interdisciplinaria: seminario de estudios de la Mujer, Madrid 1986; V. BURRUS, Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the Apochrifal Arts, Lewiston-New York 1987; P. BROWN, Martyrdom, Prophecy and Continence: Hermas to Tertullian.. In the Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity, New York 1988, 65-82; C. MAZZUCCO, E fui fatta maschio. La donna nel cristianesimo primitivo (secoli I-III), Firenze 1989, 77-83; K.B. ASPEGREN, The Male Woman: A Feminine Ideal in the Early Church, Uppsala 1990; A.E. CLARK, Early Christian Women: Sources and interpretation, in That Gentle Strength, Historical Perspective on Women in Christianity, New York 1990, 19-35; E. A. CLARK, Patrons, no Priests. Gender and Power in Late ancient christianity, in Gender and History, vol. 2 (1990), 253-273; V.A. KARRAS, Male Domination of Woman in the Writings of Saint John Chrisostom, in The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 36,2 (1991), 131-139; E.A. CLARK, Eusebius on Women in Early Church History , in Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism, Leiden 1992, 256-269; D. HUNTER, The Paradise of Patriarchy: Ambrosiaster on Woman as Not God's Image, in Journal of Theological Studies 43 (1992), 447-469; A. JENSEN, Gottes selbstbewußte Töchter. Frauenemanzipation im frühen Christentum? Freiburg, 1992; C. BROC, Le rôle des femmes dans l'Église de Constantinople d'après la correspondance de Jean Chrysostome, in Studia Patristica 27 (1993), 150-154; G. CLARK, Women in Late Antiquity, Oxford 1993; A. JENSEN, Prisca-Maximilla-Montanus: Who was the Founder of Montanism?, in Studia Patristica 26 (1993), 147-150; D.M. SCHOLER, Women in Early Christianity, New-york-London 1993; K.Jo TORJESEN, When Women were priests, San Francisco 1993; E.A. CLARK, Ideology, History and the Construction of “Woman” in Late Ancient Christianity, in Journal of Early christian Studies, vol 2 (1994), 155-184; S. ELM, Virgin of God: The Making of Ascetism, in Late Antiquity, Oxford – New-York 1994; Aa.Vv., Laici e laicità nei primi secoli della chiesa, Milano 1995, 370-399; P.M. BEAGON, The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical Politics, in Vigiliae Christianae 49,2 (1995), 165-179; G. CLOKE, This Female Man of God,: Women and Spiritual Power in The patristic Age, 350-450 AD, London-New York 1995; M. SHEATHER, The Eulogies on Macrina and Gorgonia, Or: What Difference did Christianity Make?, in Pacifica 8 (1995), 22-39; V.A. KARRAS, Life of St. Elisabeth the Wonderworker, in Alice-Mary Talbot (Ed.), Holy Women of Byzantium: Ten Saints Lives in English Translation, Dumbarton 1996, 117-135; G. BONNER, The Figure of Eve in Augustine's Theology, in Studia Patristica 33 (1997), 22-34; K.E. BORRESEN, Recent and Current Research on Women in the Christian Tradition, in Studia Patristica 29 (1997), 223-231; E. GIANNARELLI, Women and Satan in Christian Biography and Monastic Literature, (IVth-Vth centuries), in Studia Patristica (1997), 196-201; S.J. SHOEMAKER, Gnosis and Paideia: Education and Heresy in Late Ancient Egypte, in Studia Patristica 31 (1997), 535-539; A.E. CLARK, Art.Women, in Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, New york 1997-1998, 940-943; A.E. 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BROWN TKACZ, “Jesus and The Spiritual Equality of Women,” in Fellowship of Catholic Scholars Quarterly 24.4 (2001), 24-29; V.A. KARRAS, Sex/Gender in Gregory of Nyssa's Eschatology: Irrelevant or Non-existent, in Studia Patristica 41 (2003), 363-368; N. BRONWEN, “It Is I Who am a Man, You Who are Women”: Sayings of the Desert Mothers’, Women Church. in An Australian Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 35 (2004), 11-15; V.A. KARRAS, Female Deacons in the Byzantine Church, in Church History 73,2 (2004), 272-316; R.S. KRAEMER, Women's religions in the Greco roman World, Oxford 2004; E.A. CLARK, Thinking with Women: The Uses of the Appeal to “Woman” in Pre-nicene Christian Propaganda Literature, in The Spread of Christianity in the First Four Centuries. Essays in Explanation, New York 2005, 43-52; V.A. KARRAS, The Liturgical Function of Consecrated Women in the Byzantine Church, in Theological Studies 66,1 (2005), 96-116; H. KUNG, La donna nel cristianesimo, Brescia 2005; M.C. OSIEK, Ordained Women in the Early Church, in A Documentary History, Baltimore-London 2005; C. BURRIS, Imagining Tecla: Rhetorical Strategies in Severus of Antioch's 97thCathedral Homily, in Studia Patristica 42 (2006), 83-88; F. CARDMAN, Rethinking Early Christian Ethics, in Studia patristica 40 (2006), 183-189; E. A. CLARK, Manly Women or Womanly Women? The Fathers, the Bible and Gender Dilemmas, in Körper und Seele. Aspekte Spätantiker Anthropologie, New York 2006, 159-180; V.A. KARRAS, Women in the Byzantine Liturgy, Annual Ss. Cyril & Methodius Lecture, Byzantine Catholic Seminary of ss. Cyril and Methodius, Pittsburgh, 2006; K. KLOOS, In Christ There is Neither Male nor Female: Patristic Interpretation of Galatians 3,28, in Studia Patristica 39 (2006), 239-244; H. RHEE, Spirituality of Female Martyrs: Virginity and Spiritual Motherhood," in Prayer and Spirituality IV: The Spiritual Life, Strathfield, Australia 2006, 133-48; L.C. SEELBACH, Augustine on Concubinage and Women's Dignity, in Studia Patristica 43 (2006), 245-250; C.B. TKACZ, The Doctrinal Context for Interpreting Women as Types of Christ, in Studia Patristica 40 (2006), 253-257; E.A. CLARK, Ideology, History and the Construction of Woman in Late ancient Christianity, in A Feministe Companion to Patristic Literature, New York 2007, 101-124; K. COOPER, Early Christian Women, Manchester 2007; V.A. KARRAS, Priestesses or Priest's Wives: Presbitera in Early Christianity, in St. Vladimir Theological Quarterly 51,2-3 (2007), 321-345; K. KLOOS, Living in Paradox: Female Identity in Early and Medieval Christianity , in Journal of Lutheran Ethics 7 (2007), 1-7; C. OSIEK, M. Y. MACDONALD, J. H. TULLOCH, Il ruolo delle donne nel cristianesimo delle origini: indagine sulle chiese domestiche, Cinisello Balsamo 2007; N.V. HARRISON, Eve, the Mother of God and Other Women, Stephen G. Brown, 2008; F. RIVAS, Desterradas Hijas de Eva. Protagonismo y Margination de la Mujer en el Cristianismo Primitivo, Madrid 2008; C. BROWN TKACZ, “Susanna and the Pre-Christian Book of Daniel,” in The Heythrop Journal 49 (2008), 181-97; P.A. HOLLOWAY-S.P. AHEARNE KROLL-J.A. KELHOFFER, Women and Gender in ancient Religions, Tubingen 2010; V.A. KARRAS, SS. Perpetuas and Felicitas – Motherhood and Martyrdom, in Encountering Women of Faith, vol. 2, Brookline 2011; V.A. KARRAS, Women in the Byzantine Liturgy, Oxford 2011; N. BAKER BRIAN, Women in Augustine's anti-Manichaean Writings: Rumour, Rhetoric, and Ritual. In Studia Patristica 70 (2013), 499-520; P.G. DAMSTEEGT, Women's Status And Ordination as Elders or Bishops in the Early Church, Reformation, and Post-reformation Eras, Andrews University 2013; A. MARJANEN, Female Prophets among Montanists. In Prophets Male and Female: Gender and Prophecy in the Hebrew Bible, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the ancient Near East, Atllanta 2013, 127-143; E. MUEHLBERGER, Simeon and Other Women in Theodoret’s Religious History: Gender in the Representation of Late Ancient Christian Asceticism. in Journal of Early Christian Studies 23.4 (2015), 583-606; H. RHEE, Irenaeus and Paul: Sexuality, Virginity, and Women,” in Irenaeus and Paul, London & New York 2015.

● For the period medieval see C. WALKER, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women, University of California Press 1987; C.F. HEFFERNAN, The Phoenix at the Fountain: Images of women and eternity in Lactantius Carmen de ave phoenice and the old english Phoenix, London 1988; J. BOLTON HOLLOWAY, J. BECHTOLD- C. S. WRIGHT, Equally in God's Image, Women in the Middle Ages, Peter Lang 1990; J. GIBSON, Could Christ Have Been born a Woman? A Medieval Debate, in Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 8 (1992), 65-82; E. A. CLARK, Sana Insanity: Women and Ascetism in Late Ancient Christianity, in Medieval Encounters, vol 3 (1997), 211-230; La donna a Bisanzio, in Porphyra 18 (2012), 32-509.

● For the era contemporary see S. DE BOUVOIR, The Second Sex, New York 2010; S.H. WILSON, Woman, Women and the Priesthood in the Trinitarian Theology of Elisabeth Behr-Sigel, London-New-Delhi-New-York- Sidney 2013; W. SANG LEE, Pastoral Leadership. A case Study, Including Reference to John Chrysostom, Eugene Or 2015.

9 See K.P. WESCHE, Man and Woman in Orthodox Tradition: The Mystery of Gender, in Sth Vladimir Theological Quarterly 37 (1993), 213-251; Patristic Views on the Ontology of Gender, in J. CHIRBAN (Ed), Personhood: Orthodox Christianity and the Connection between Body, Mind and Soul, Bergin and Garvey 1996, 113-119; V. KARRAS, Women in the Eastern Church: Past, Present and Future, in Sourozh 71 (1998), 33-39; V. KARRAS, Women in the Church, two Mini-Courses for the Summer Institute, Patriarch Athenagoras Orthodox Institute, California 2004; L.B. LIVERIS, Ancient Taboos and Gender Prejudice: Challenges for Orthodox Women and the Church, Aldershot: Ashgate 2005; An orthodox Perspective on Feminist Theology, in The Ecncyclopedia of Women and Religion in North-America, Indiana University Press 2006, 523-532; Orthodox Theologies of Women and Ordained Ministry, in Thinking Through Faith, St Vladimir Seminary Press 2008, 113-158; D. SALAPATAS, The Role of Women in the Orthodox Church, Jahrgang 2015, Heft 2, 177-194; Logos. A journal of Eastern Christian Studies (in progress).

10 For the ordination of the women priests see L. VISCHER, L'ordination des femmes in De l'ordination des femmes, Genève 1964, 1-5; Zu fragen der stellung der frau in kirche und gesellschaft, in Die deutschen bischöfe 30, Erscheinungstermin 1981; E.C. HUBER, Women and the Autority of Inspiration: A reexamination of two Prophetic Movements from a Contemporary Feminist Perspective, University Press of America 1985; K.J. TORJESEN, When women were priests, San Francisco 1993; D. CORSI, Donne cristiane e sacerdozio - Dalle origini all'età contemporanea, Roma 2004; A. PIOLA (edited by), Donna e sacerdozio. Indagine storico-teologica degli aspetti antropologici dell'ordinazione delle donne, Cantalupa (TO) 2006; C. BROWN TKACZ, “Women and the Church in the New Millennium,” in St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 52 (2008), 243-74; Women's Ordination/Catholic Internet Library; G. DAMSTEEGT, Women's Status and Ordination as Elders or Bishops in the Early Church, Reformation, and post-Reformation Eras, Andrews University 2013.

1. The woman in the church

1.1. Attitudes

Tertullian, starting from the presupposition that the Christians are born from the water and it is thanks to the water that they are safe, affirms that contrarily a woman, spokesman of the sect of the Cainitis, "who normally didn't even have the right to teach, it has found the best way to do to die these small fishes: to go them out of the water”.11

In the alexandrinian field Origen, referring to 1Cor 14,34-36, affirms that the women must have a silent attitude in the assemblies, differently from Massimilla and Priscilla who, according to Origen, were considered the maximum authorities in the movement montanist and who had had many disciples, instructing them.12

Origen continues to affirm that in the Old Testament there have been a lot of figures of women prophetesses, as Mary, the daughters of Phillip, Olda and so on, but all these ones never spoke to the public as Jeremiah and Isaiah, but only to few women:

if the daughters of Phillip also prophesied, nevertheless they didn't speak to the assemblies: let's not find it in fact in the Acts of the Apostles. But so not even in the Old Testament: it is attested that Deborah was prophetess and Mary, the sister of Aaron, taken the tambourine led the women. However you could not find that Deborah publicly went and spoke to the people as Jeremiah and Isaiah; and you could not even find that Olda, also being prophetess, has talked to the people, but to whom was directed to her. And also in the Gospel it is written: Ann the prophetess, daughter of Fanuele, of the tribe of Aser, nevertheless she didn't speak to the assembly.13

With this Origen wants to demonstrate that the prophecies of these women don't have function ecclesial, in the sense that their words are not directed to the public, as it happens instead in the ministry priestly:

If therefore also to a woman it can be given to be prophetess on basis of a prophetic sign, however it is not allowed her to speak to the assembly.14

Consequently Origen draws the conclusion that the woman "cannot be guide of the man through the word".15

Origen proves this also referring to the scriptural passage of Tt 2,3-4, explaining that the women are able to give good teachings, not because the men listen to the women being sat, as if there were no men able to announce the Word of God.16

You deduces that, according to Origen, the didactic function of the woman is not directed to the man,

since it is inconvenient for a woman to speak to the assembly, what that are the words that she says, are also admirable, are also holy, but only come from a female mouth" It is clear that the fact that there is a woman in assembly is condemned as inconvenient to reproach of the whole assembly.17

It's important to emphasize that Origen, to demonstrate the inferiority of the sex female with respect to her activity of teaching, focuses only on the activity to utter word in front of the public, keeping silent on all the functions gestural and salvific of which the woman is bearer and that they are to the base of an excellent didactic activity. It is not true that the woman doesn't speak in front of the people, because Judith, thanks to her great faith and humility, goes and speaks to the people to reassure him of the liberation from the enemy (Gdt 10) and, always thanks to her great faith, she defeats the enemy cutting the head to Holofernes. The word that Judith turns to the people is not turned to itself, as in the case of Jeremiah and Isaiah - why the wretched faculty to utter word to the public doesn't receive the desired aim, being a word that flies in the nothing doing only noise - but it is a word that realizes the desired aim and that is to say the salvation of the people. The humility of Judith, united to her great faith, gives to her word, that directs to the people, the strength to make concrete and alive in her people her activity salvific. Her activity salvific becomes torch living and punctual of the immanent plan of God, because she restores the original condition of the man when he was in good harmony with Eve, defeating the dominion and the prevarication of the foreign kings. Judith restores with her word, made concrete in the liberation of her people from the slavery of Holofernes, the greatest teaching of the patriarchs and that is to say their faith and humility, that earned her the crown of glory. Just to think to Moses who when lifted the arms the people won and when this lowered it this lost (Es 17,11), who, thanks to his great faith and humility, made his weak word event of salvation, conducting the people of Israel out of the slavery of Egypt. Differently from Aaron his brother, who had instead qualities considerable of eloquence, of which Aaron used only for uttering in front of the people what God had said through Moses. This faculty of the uttering words in front of the people, just of the priestly caste, of which Aaron is the founder of it, is devoid of sense because it does not bear fruit, being a sonorous word and not performing. Origen doesn't know or it pretends not to know that the prophets Jeremiah and Isaiah continue the role of the priestly caste, directed to embellish more the words that the actions, giving a preponderant strength to the word, understood as simple expression of the sound of the mouth, to the detriment of the lack of the actions, tangible signs instead of the humility and of the faith.18

In turn Cyprian of Carthage, referring to the scriptural passages of 1Cor 14,34 and of 1Tm 2,11-14, demonstrates that the women in the church not only have the assignment to keep silent and to be subdued to the men, because so says the Law ((1Cor 14,34), but also to learn from those ones

in complete subjugation. I don't allow that the woman teaches neither that predominates on the man. Because before was formed Adam and then Eve; and Adam was not deceived, but who made oneself guilty of transgression was the woman, who was seduced (1Tm 2,11-14) .19

Besides to the daughters of Phillip another figure of intelligent woman who knew the things of God is Gorgonia. Gregory Nazianzen exalts the abilities of this extraordinary woman who stays devoted in silence to God, becoming a model of intelligent and devoted woman:

her intelligence and her piety there is no speech that could reach her, neither could find many examples of it, except his and that of her parents according to the flesh and second the spirit. She turned only her look to them and was not at all inferior to them by virtue. In an only thing she let oneself win, and also gladly: she knew and was ready to admit that her qualities come from them and that they were the root of her illumination. What was more acute than the intelligence of this woman, whom all recognized as commune adviser, not only those people who belonged to her family, to her same people and to the same enclosure, but also those people who were around her, because her teachings and her exhortations were considered inviolable law? What was more wise than her words? What more prudent than her silence? But since I remembered her silence, I will add that this being in silence, her peculiar characteristic, it is also the behavior most suitable for the women and most useful in the present moment. Who, in fact, more than her knew the things of God both thanks to the divine teachings both thanks to her own intelligence? Who less than her of it spoke, remaining within the confinements that are proper of the devotion? And that is the task to know the true devotion, only in which also the insatiability is a good: who as her embellished the temples with gifts, particularly this temple that I don't know if it will be more adorned by others after her? But there is more: who exposed oneself to God like her as a living temple?.20

Besides to maintain the silence the woman has the duty, according to the Ambrosiaster, to be humble in the dressing,

it is not permitted to the woman to teach, not even to dominate the man, but to be in silence (1Tm 2,12). Not only but she must have a humble suit"21 and to cover the head because

neither it has the potesty to speak, since the priest (bishop) represents the person of Christ. Therefore before as judge so as priest (bishop), since it is vicar of the Lord, because of this original condition she must be considered subdued.22

The woman is forced to cover the head because, continues the Ambrosiaster,

it is not image of God. Once more the apostle says: «to the woman it is not permitted to teach neither to dominate on the man» (1Tm 2,12).23

According to the Ambrosiaster the woman is subjected to the man, because only he was made to image and similarity of God; for this motive, deduces the Ambrosiater, to the woman remains the faculty only to learn, do not to teach, neither to judge, nor to have authority and to reign.24

It is important to emphasize that the Ambrosiaster doesn't give a correct interpretation of the term principle, since he limitedly identifies it with the temporal beginning of the masculine priesthood, removing to it all its pregnant meaning protological. In the thought of the Ambrosiaster it is anticipated the theology of the young Luther concerning Gen 1-3, according to whom the bodily subordination of the woman to the man goes dates back to the period preceding the fall of Adam and Eve, who has been deceived by the snake in strength of her physical weakness.25 After the fall both lose the spiritual communion with God. Returning to Cyprian, to Gregory and to the Ambrosiater it is rightful to say that these ones don't know that the category of the silence, attributed to the woman, is precursor of wisdom and has a didactic function that goes beyond the same word spoken. The wise man, according to the Greek philosophy and, particularly, in Plotin, is he who in silence conjugates the prayer with the intellect succeeding in reaching the union with God..26 The woman in this case would be model for everybody (included the men) of wise teaching, because in silence she succeeds in giving to the word a fullness of life that goes beyond the same poor human language. In such sense the woman's silence in the church goes beyond all the wretched words of the man included the presbyter, by the same standard as Jesus who on the cross in silence, without uttering no word, has given the greatest teaching of wisdom to all the men, entering in profound communion with the Father. Under this aspect the woman is educator of wisdom in the silence both for the men and for the women, why the conclusion that draws Gregory Nazianzen and Cyprian of it, besides having contradiction is also poor of Greek wisdom. The fact same that Cyprian joins the silence of the woman to her subjugation to the man is unjustified, because the silence, being absence of words, is a category that belongs to the eternal plan of God who is made visible in the silence of the 7 day, when He contemplated the beauty of the created world, where Adam and Eve lived in silence in unison with God. In the silence of the paradisiacal garden didn't subsist no form of subjugation of the woman towards the man, but harmonical sharing. In fact the woman has been given by God to the man as companion, because Adam didn't found among the created beings no creature who was him similar, with whom to establish a true friendship (Gen 2,18.20). Instead the woman's subjugation to the man has origin with the sin. Cyprian evidently doesn't know that it's about two plans qualitative different and that for this motive it doesn't need to connect the silence - that belongs to the divine sphere - to the subjugation and to the dominion of the man on the woman, which instead belong to the fall of the man (Gen 3,16).27 Cyprian, as also Origen and Epifanius, whom we will see after, it is one who continues the plan amartiological of the man, because he insists in the affirming that the woman cannot teach because inferior to the man. Also the fact that the man has been created before the woman to image of God doesn't mean, as Cyprian and Ambrosiaster emphasize, that the man is master of the woman, but that she belongs to the kind man and, as such, is a person to him similar, with whom to share his existence, because both, as the Writing says, have been created to image of God (Gen. 1,27). It is not at all true that the woman is not able to teach because as the man, according to the theology protological, she has been created to image of God: in fact in the garden of the Eden the author of the Genesis doesn't mention any form of prevarication of the man on the woman and not even any form of superiority of the faculty expressive and didactic of the man to the detriment of the woman.

Differently from the authors quoted till now, Victorinus of Petow, connecting himself to Acts 18,24-26, affirms that Aquila and Priscilla, - after having learned what Apollo, inspired by God, told with respect to Jesus, -

very diligently they manifested to that one the way of the Lord. Easily in fact the wise ones are checked. In fact the Lord knows the thoughts of the wise ones ever since they are vain.28

1.2. Finality

The woman's aim in the church, according to Origen, it is to teach the good, so that she induce the teen-agers to the chastity:

in truth, also those people who are constituted «widows» in the churches, must «have washed the feet of the holy ones» (1Tm 5,10), it is said. And if then you want to listen with great clarity how «the widow washes the feet of the holy ones», be careful to Paul who, in other place, points out a rule for the «widows» and says: «Teach the good, because the adolescent are chaste.» (Tt 2,3-5), and «wash» so the impurities of the «feet» of the young ones. These «widows» are worthy of the honor of the church, theirs who «wash the feet of the holy ones» with the speech of the spiritual doctrine, and for the «holy ones» I intend the women not the men; since I don't allow the woman to teach neither to excel on the man (1Tm 2,12). (Paul) wants that the women «teach the good», to induce to the chastity not the teen-agers but the «adolescent women» - it would be indecent that a woman was teacher of the man!-: they induce «the women adolescent» to the chastity.29

On the line of Origen is placed Gregory Nazianzen, for whom the woman has the duty to expose oneself to God, to honor the man and to consecrate her children to God, following the example of Gorgonia

who as her embellished the temples with gifts, particularly this temple that I don't know if it will be adorned more by others after her? But there is more: who exposed oneself to God like her as a living temple? Who more than her honored the priests, above all he who fought at her side for the true faith, the teacher from whom came the beautiful seed and a couple of children consecrate to God?.30

With regard to to the scriptural passages of 1Cor 14,34 and of 1Tm 2,12 Epiphanius specifies that, according to the authority divine, the woman doesn't have the duty to “speak in the church (1Cor 14,34) and do not to have authority on the man (1Tm 2,12)”.31 In fact, Epiphanius emphasizes, in the church there were the deaconesses who were devoted to the decorum of the female kind, because to theirs was not allowed the priestly office, decorum that was made concrete by these, when

they assist during the washing or they make visits to the suffering women and tired and they intervene when the female body must have denuded, because it is not seen by the men who practice the priesthood but only from the deaconess, who is charged from the priest to intervene at the moment in which the woman has need, at the moment of the nudity of her body. This order was wisely consolidated according to canonical measures by the discipline and by the law of the Church32

The woman, precises John Chrysostom, has the duty to be silent in the church because in church learn in silence.33 Such admonition, according to Chrysostom, is due to the fact that the women come in the church

only to be able herself to allow to freely speak so all discuss of useless questions, and here the confusion reigns wherever. They don't realize at all that they cannot learn nothing of useful if don't be calms and quiet. After all, which utility it's possible to draw, if we are all anxious to discuss and we don't pay attention to what is said? Paul therefore prescribes that the woman be in silence, without speaking in the church not only of things temporal but not even of those spiritual. This silence and this modesty will embellish her more than any other ornament: if it will maintain herself so reserved, she will also succeed in praying in the way most beautiful possible.34

John Chrisostom, referring to 1Tm 2,12, sets a brake to the loquacity of the women, because "observing the silence, they will demonstrate their subjugation”35 to the man and, as such, they occupy only the place of the learners. The superiority of the masculine sex is also of theological nature for the Chrisostom, because "before has been formed Adam and then Eve".36

Also here Chrysostom, as Epiphanius, didn't give a correct interpretation of the verses of the Genesis, because it has not respected the logic of the biblical events, logic that distinguishes the before and the then respect to the sin of Adam and Eve. Before the sin both Adam and Eve were equal in front of God, because Adam could not live without Eve and Eve has been given him by God as companion, with whom he could share his own joy to be together with his similar, by the same standard as the Logos who has been begotten by the Father, because the Father could ask him for advice and to become his adviser. After the sin Adam prevails Eve, because it has been interrupted between the two that spirit of sharing and of reciprocity, that they had lived when they were in harmony with the divine world. The guilt of this interruption can be attributed to the sharingopposite both on behalf of Adam and of Eve to be as God. Only starting from this optical amartiological there is the taking of conscience of the nudity of the sexes and the consequent prevarication of the masculine sex on that female also in the field of the teaching.

_____________________

11 TERTULLIAN, The baptism 1,3. Ed. crit. B. LUISELLI, Q.Septimii Florentis Tertulliani, De baptismo, Torino 1960, 3-4. See for the conception of the woman generally P. BROWN, Martyrdom, Prophecy and Continence: Hermas to Tertullian.. In the Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity, New York 1988, 65-82; E. A. CLARK, Thinking with Women: The Uses of the Appeal to “Woman” in Pre-nicene Christian Propaganda Literature, in The Spread of Christianity in the First Four Centuries. Essays in Explanation, New York 2005, 43-52; H. KUNG, La donna nel cristianesimo, Brescia 2005; K. COOPER, Early Christian Women, Manchester 2007; K. KLOOS, Living in Paradox: Female Identity in Early and Medieval Christianity, in Journal of Lutheran Ethics 7 (2007), 1-7; C. OSIEK - M.Y. MACDONALD - J.H. TULLOCH, Il ruolo delle donne nel cristianesimo delle origini: indagine sulle chiese domestiche, Cinisello Balsamo 2007.

12 ORIGEN, On the Fist Letter to the Corinthians 74. Ed. crit. e trad. di F. PIERI, Opere di Origene. Esegesi paolina. I testi frammentari, Roma 2009, 196-197. See for the movement montanistic A. JENSEN, Prisca-Maximilla-Montanus: Who Was the Founder of Montanism?, in Studia Patristica 26 (1993), 147-150.

13Ibidem

14 Ibidem

15 ORIGEN, On the Fist Letter to the Corinthians 74. Ed. crit. e trad. di F. PIERI, Opere di Origene. Esegesi paolina. I testi frammentari, 199.

16 Ibidem

17 Ibidem

18 See C. RANDAZZO, La balbuzie di Mosé: una possibile spiegazione teologica, in Sefer 130 (2016), 14.

20 GREGORY NAZIANZEN, Orations 8,11. Ed. crit. J.P. MIGNE (Ed.), S. Gregorio nazianzeno, t.1, Patrologia greca 35, Parisiis 1886, col. 802. Trad. di C. SANI-M. VINCELLI, Gregorio di Nazianzo, Tutte le orazioni, (Bompiani Il pensiero occidentale 5), Milano 2000, 287-289. See concerning it P.M. BEAGON, The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical Politics, in Vigiliae Christianae 49,2 (1995), 165-179; G. CLOKE, This Female Man of God,: Women and Spiritual Power in The patristic Age, 350-450 AD, London-New York 1995; K. KLOOS, Living in Paradox: Female Identity in Early and Medieval Christianity, in Journal of Lutheran Ethics 7 (2007), 1-7. For the figure of Gorgonia see M. SHEATHER, The Eulogies on Macrina and Gorgonia, Or: What Difference did Christianity Make?, in Pacifica 8 (1995), 22-39.

21 AMBROSIASTER, To Timothy 2,12. Ed. crit. H.I. VOGELS (Ed.), Ambrosiastri qui Dicitur Commentarius in epistulas paulinas, (CSEL 81,3), Vindobonae 1969, 263. Cfr. also AMBROSIATER, Letter of Paul B. Ed. crit. H.I. VOGELS (Ed.), Ambrosiastri qui Dicitur Commentarius in epistulas paulinas, 268.

22 AMBROSIATER, Letter of Paul A,23. Ed. crit. H.I. VOGELS,Ambrosiastri qui Dicitur Commentarius in Epistulas Paulinas, (CSEL 81,2), Vindobonae 1968, 122-123.

23 AMBROSOSASTER, Questions of the Old and New Testament 1,21 (48,15), 10-15. Ed. crit. A. SOUTER, Pseudo-Augustini, Quaestiones Veteris et Novi Testamenti CXXVII, (CSEL 50), Vindobonae-Lipsiae 1908, 48. See about that D. HUNTER, The Paradise of Patriarchy: Ambrosiaster on Woman as Not God's Image, in Journal of Theological Studies 43 (1992), 447-469.

24 AMBROSIATER, Questions of the Old and New Testament 1,45,3. Ed. crit. A. SOUTER, Pseudo-Augustini, Quaestiones Veteris et Novi Testamenti CXXVII, 82-83.

25 See for the argument D.F. WRIGHT, Woman Before and After the Fall: a Comparison of Luther's and Calvin's Interpretation of Genesis I-III, in Churchman 2 (1984), 130-131; M.M.A.C. BELL, Man is a Microcosmos: Adam and Eve in Luther's Lectures on Genesis (1535-1545), in Concordia theological quarterly 69,2 (2005), 165-166.176.

26 For the thematic of the silence as motor of communication in the philosophy grec see S. LILLA, Il silenzio nella filosofia greca, Roma 2013.

27 It resounds the thought of Calvin, for whom the theme of the subjugation of the woman to the man is of secondary importance, because consequent to the fall, while instead before the fall, according to Calvin, Adam and Eve were free since were beings complementary and relational, where what counted it was the mutual love. See concerning that D.F. WRIGHT, Woman Before and After the Fall: a comparison of Luther's and Calvin's interpretation of Genesis I-III, 128-131.

28 VICTORINUS OF PETOW, in Genesis 1,1009 D 2. Ed. crit. J.P. MIGNE (Ed.), Patrologia latina, vol. 8, Parisiis 1844, col. 1009.

29 ORIGEN, Homily on Isaiah 6,3. Ed. crit. J.P. MIGNE, Origene. Patrologia greca, vol. 13,3, Parisiis 1862, col. 242. Trad. di M.I. DANIELI, Origene. Omelie su Isaia, (Collana di testi patristici 132), 131.

30 GREGORY NAZIANZEN, Orations 8,11. Ed. crit. J.P. MIGNE (Ed.), S. Gregorio nazianzeno, t.1, Patrologia greca 35, col. 802. Trad. di C. SANI-M. VINCELLI, Gregorio di Nazianzo, Tutte le orazioni, 287-289.

31 EPIPHANIUS OF SALAMIS, Panarion 49,3. Ed. crit. Ed. crit. K. HOLL (Ed.), Epiphanius (Ancoratus und Panarion), vol. 2, Leipzig 1922, 244. Trad. di D. CIARLO, Epifanio di Salamina, Panarion eresie 74-80 compendio della fede, (Collana di testi patristici 238), 213.

32Ibidem

33 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, Homily to the First Letter to Timothy 9,1. Trad. di GERARDO DI NOLA, Giovanni Crisostomo. Commento alla prima lettera a Timoteo, (Collana di testi patristici 124), Roma 1995, 153. See for the thematic of the woman in CHRYSOSTOM V.A. KARRAS, Male Domination of Woman in the Writings of Saint John Chrisostom, in The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 36,2 (1991), 131-139; C. BROC, Le rôle des femmes dans l'Église de Constantinople d'après la correspondance de Jean Chrysostome, in Studia Patristica 27 (1993), 150-154; C. FORD DAVID, Women and Men in the Early Church: The Full Views of St. John Chrysostom, South Canaan 1999.

34 Ibidem

35 JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, Homily to the First Letter to Timothy 9,1. Trad. di GERARDO DI NOLA, Giovanni Crisostomo. Commento alla prima lettera a Timoteo, 154.

36 Ibidem

2. The woman in the family

2.1. Attitudes

Origen, referring to the scriptural passages of Tt 2,3-4, affirms that the "elderly women be by venerating in the attitude (…) able to give good teachings".37 The woman, according to Origen, has called to give test of her good didactic activity with venerable attitudes. Her venerable attitude is inferior however to the man, because if these have need to learn something must ask

at house to her own men, since it is inconvenient for the women to speak to the assembly (…). Once and for all: the woman ask only to her own man, intending the name in the sense of the kind in opposition to that female.38

Later Ambrose, quoting the scriptural passages of 1Cor 14,34.35 and of 1Tm 2,11.12, explain that the women have the duty to go at home and to interrogate their husbands to receive their teachings:

but I don't allow the women to teach (1Tm 2,12) in the church; they interrogate, at home, their husbands” (1Cor 14,35). Therefore she is sent by those people who are of house, and it has received the established teachings.39

It's unjustified the affirmation of Origen and of Ambrose because the wise person has the assignment to teach to the learners as to reach the Truth, both male or female. Rather, according to the view of the theology protological, the woman has in common with the male to share the wisdom of God and it is not given some order on behalf of God that the woman turns herself to the male to learn. God didn't given not even order to Mary to turn herself to Joseph to learn, on the contrary has been the angel to do her to learn to be the mother of God and the same angel turned himself to Joseph to free Jesus from the persecution of Herod. In the Gospel of Luc, related to the infancy of Jesus, it is not expressed no form of superiority of Joseph towards Mary, but between the two there is the full sharing of intents as that that subsisted to the origins between Adam and Eve. It's noted clearly that Origen is not only unaware of the theology protological, but also of the theology marian.

Also The Ambrosiaster affirms that the woman is subdued and enslaved to the man both with the suit and with the services, "from whom she originates.".40 Just because she was drawn by the man, she, always for the Ambrosiaster, cannot dominate him.41

Both Ambrose and the Ambrosiaster, by the same standard as Chrisostom, distort the correct progression of the events biblical with respect to the creation, ever since the dominion of the man on the woman is consequent to the sin and, for this motive, they cannot connect the two verses of the Genesis that correspond to two different qualitative plan, the first to that immanent of God and the second to that amartiological of the fall of the man. In the immanent plan of God doesn't exist no form of prevarication but total condescension between Adam and Eve, as between Father and Son in Saturday protological.42

2.2. Finality

Origen affirms, relying upon the scriptural passage of Tt 2,3-4, that the didactic and educational activity of the elderly women is finalized "to make wise the young ones, and not in absolute sense to teach".43 For Origen the elderly woman has called to educate the young women not in front of the public but in the domestic environment, excluding her didactic activity in front of the males of every age. It's also this a senseless and unfounded affirmation for two reasons:

-because philosophically speaking the wise person both male and female, it has the assignment to teach in front of any person both of sex masculine and female, in such way who listens learns the way to reach the Truth44

-because for the theology protological the absoluteness of the teaching doesn't belong to the man but to God because, both the man and the woman live happy to the presence of God, being both ones dressed again, with equal merit, of his wisdom.

To demonstrate that some activities belong to the masculine kind and others to those female, Ambrose recurs to the scriptural passages of 1Cor 14,34 and of 1Tm 2,12:

I think however that he has intended to speak not so much of the dress as of the customs or of the customs and of the our activities, because others activities are convenient for a man, others for a woman. So also the apostle, as interpreter of the Law, says: «Your women keep silent in the assembly; in fact it is not permitted to theirs to speak, but they owe to be subdued, as it says the law. If they want to learn, interrogate to house their husbands» (1Cor 14,34.35) and to Timothy: «The woman learn in silence with every subjugation. I don't allow the woman to teach or to dictate law to the man» (1Tm 2,11.12).45

Always Ambrose, doing a comparison between Elizabeth and Zechariah from a side and Mary and Aaron from the other, emphasizes in the first case the sobriety of the prophetic words of Elizabeth in comparison to those abundant of her husband Zechariah and, in the second case, the hurry of Mary to end in hurry the words of her hymn, while instead when she has talked more than the necessary to her brother she is incurred in the punishment.

The sobriety of the words of Elizabeth is not to amputate to the weakness of the sex female because to the woman in the antiquity was recognized a great receptive ability in comparison to the man, ability that allowed her to come into contact more easily with the divinity.

From these two scriptural examples Ambrose concludes that "is maintained the proper order, so that the woman study herself more to learn than to teach the things of God”.46

Ambrose doesn't do only reference to Mary, sister of Aaron, but also to Mary, mother of Jesus,- who bore and meditated in her heart the things of God (Lc 2,19) - to point out that the woman, on the example that Mary has given, has the assignment more to learn the things of God than to teach it:

as for Mary, she bore in oneself all these things, meditating it in her heart (Lc 2,19). We recognize in all the modesty of the holy Virgo, who, unblemished in the body not less that in the words, it meditated in her heart the arguments of the faith. If Mary learns from the shepherds, because you would avoid to learn from the bishops? If Mary kept silent before the apostles taught, because you, after that was accomplished their teaching, would prefer to do her as teacher, instead to learn? Of here you learn that the guilt is not in the diversity of the sex, but in the person, because also the sex is sacred. After all Mary, also without having had no command, has given us the example.47

First of all it is to say that not only Mary, but also her bridegroom Joseph learns the things from God (Lc 1,20) and this means that, according to the unity of the whole Writing with particular reference to the theology protological, both learn the things from God, because moved by the faith in him, by the same standard as Adam and Eve who, in the terrestrial heaven, were living stones of the wisdom of God. It's noted that Ambrose, to demonstration of his masculist thesis, - thesis that doesn't correspond to the theology protological and to the divine plan of God according to the Gospel of Luc, - does reference only to the figure of Mary keeping silent on that of Joseph, without whom Mary would not have been able to fulfill the God's design related to the incarnation salvific of the Verb.

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37 ORIGEN, On the First Letter to the Corinthians 74. Ed. crit. e trad. di F. PIERI, Opere di Origene. Esegesi paolina. I testi frammentari, 199.

38 Ibidem

39 AMBROSE, Exposition of the Gospel according to Luke 10,165. Ed. crit. C. SCHENKL, Sancti Ambrosii Opera. Expositio Evangelii Secundum Lucan, (CSEL 32/4), Pragae-Vindobonae-Lipsiae 1898, 519. Trad. di G. COPPA, Opera omnia di Sant'Ambrogio, Esposizione del vangelo secondo Luca/2, Milano-Roma 1978, 511.

40 AMBROSIASTER, to Timothy 2,12. Ed. crit. H.I. VOGELS (Ed.), Ambrosiastri qui Dicitur Commentarius in Epistulas Paulinas, 263

41 AMBROSIASTER, Questions of the Old and New Testament 1,21 (48,15), 10-15. Ed. crit. A. SOUTER, Pseudo-Augustini, Quaestiones veteris et novi testamenti CXXVII, 48.

42 See for the argument C. RANDAZZO, La teologia della relazione cultuale nel Dialogo con Trifone. Una riscoperta del riposo sabbatico cristiano dall'archè all'eschatos, Tricase 2012.

43 ORIGEN, On the First Letter to the Corinthians 74. Ed. crit. e trad. di F. PIERI, Opere di Origene. Esegesi paolina. I testi frammentari, 199.

44 See G. REALE, Platone, Fedro, (Scrittori greci e latini 32), Milano 2005.

45 AMBROSE, Letter 15,5. Ed. crit. O. FALLER, Sancti Ambrosii Opera, Epistulae et Acta, (CSEL 82), Vindobonae 1968, 113. Trad. di G. BANTERLE, Opera omnia di sant'Ambrogio, Lettere/1, Milano-Roma 1988, 159.

46 AMBROSE, Exposition of The Gospel According Luke 2,35. Ed. crit. C. SCHENKL,