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- Herausgeber: DigiCat
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
The "Connecticut Wide-Awake Songster" is a compendium of songs that emerged during the political fervor of the 1860 presidential campaign, particularly representing the interests and enthusiasm of the Republican Party. This collection, characterized by its catchy melodies and impassioned lyrics, serves as both a historical artifact and a reflection of the cultural zeitgeist of the time. The literary style is marked by its accessibility, with a focus on vernacular language that resonates with everyday citizens, while the thematic content engages with contemporary issues such as abolitionism and national unity, encapsulating the hopes and aspirations of a nation on the brink of transformation. The author, attributed to various contributors, is emblematic of the collaborative spirit of the era, where amateur lyricists and experienced musicians alike sought to influence public sentiment through song. This collective effort not only highlights the democratic nature of 19th-century American culture but also reveals the passion of citizens who were keenly aware of the implications of the election. Their diverse backgrounds and experiences inform the rich tapestry of voices captured in this work. For historians, music aficionados, and casual readers alike, the "Connecticut Wide-Awake Songster" stands as a vital resource for understanding the interplay of music and politics during a pivotal moment in American history. It is a remarkable window into the ways in which song served as both a tool for persuasion and a medium for communal expression, making it an essential read for those seeking to explore the cultural dimensions of the Civil War era.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022
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Connecticut Wide-Awake Songster
Table of Contents
THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:
First—That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
Second—That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in our federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.
Third—That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its honor abroad, and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Democratic members of Congress, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth—That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Fifth—That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas—in construing the personal relation between master and servant, to involve an unqualified property in persons—in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sixth—That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the federal government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.
Seventh—That the new dogma that the constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
Eighth—That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.
Ninth—That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
Tenth—That in the recent vetoes by their federal governors of the acts of the Legislature of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud involved therein.
Eleventh—That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth—That while providing revenue for the support of the general government, by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country, and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
Thirteenth—That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy, which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure, which has already passed the house.
Fourteenth—That the National Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship, hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home or abroad.
Fifteenth—That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution, and justified by an obligation of the government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
Sixteenth—That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the federal government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.
Seventeenth—Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.
LINCOLN AND VICTORY.
BY W. SCOTT.
